1976~89年の執筆物

概要

南アフリカの作家アレックス・ラ・グーマ(1925-1985)を知るために、カナダに亡命中の南アフリカ人学者セスゥル・A・エイブラハムズ氏を訪ねた際に行ったインタビューです。見ず知らずの日本からの突然の訪問者を丸々三日間受け入れて下さったエイブラハムズ氏の生き様、そのエイブラハムズ氏が語る「アレックス・ラ・グーマ」を録音し、帰国後聞き取り作業をしてまとめたものです。

                                           ラ・グーマ

本文(写真作業中)

YOSHIYUKI TAMADA INTERVIEWS CECIL ABRAHAMS

 

 (August 22-25, 1987 in St. Catharines, Canada)

 

 

 

 

 

 

1-A

Cecil – I’d say that in June, 1985, the Soviet Writers’ Union had a special evening for Alex La Guma in Moscow to celebrate his sixtieth birthday and they had…in the auditorium there over a thousand people came to celebrate with him. And I was one of the speakers. And I was so amazed at how many people had read La Guma. So all came to the auditorium with books under their arms for autographs and there was one man in his, probably late seventies and he was blind but his arm was full of La Guma’s books. And he came up to him to ask him to autograph it. It was a very touching experience. In fact what they did! The publishers in the Soviet Union for his sixtieth birthday brought out half a million copies of his collected works and they sold it all within one month. He is, he was a very popular writer in the Soviet Union and of course he visited there many times. Also because he was a member of the South African Communist Party. His father had been in the South African Communist Party. So there’s this connection to the Soviet Union and his books have been translated into many Soviet languages. So he is widely read and more respected in the Soviet Union. So maybe some day in Japan there will be just as many people read Alex La Guma….

 

Yoshi – I hope so….

 

Cecil – Yeah, because for South Africa, and for South Africans, we think, among the black writers Alex La Guma’s always the best writer that has been produced by South Africa. And also because he’s written more books, more novels than any other black South Africans expect Peter Abrahams. But Peter Abrahams wrote many years ago. And he stopped writing about South Africa. He started writing about Africa in general and about Caribbean. But Alex La Guma’s five novels have made him perhaps our best writer among black South Africans. And what is important now is even though Alex La Guma was banned in South Africa, so his books could not be read by South Africans. It was not allowed to be sold. Now some South African publishers ask permission from the government to…to….

 

Yoshi – To publish books?

 

Cecil – To publish books and they think it may be possible because I had a letter just recently from Phillips Company in Cape Town and they asked me whether I could make it possible for them to publish his material again. They wanted to do A Walk in the Night. They wanted to publish it again. Maybe soon South Africans will have the opportunity to read Alex La Guma.

 

Cecil — He was then living in Cuba. So we did many, many discussions on the books, his life in South Africa. So while you are here, I’ll let you listen to some of them to give you an idea of what he said and so on, also to hear his voice talking about his own books and his experiences. Yes. He was very helpful, he was not…: you could ask him for anything, he’d do it for you. He was a very kind, very friendly person.

 

Yoshi – It is unhappy that the situation in Japan is not so good because scholars on Africa are not good. They were and are studying African materials for the sake of study. Do you know Mr. A?

 

Cecil – Yes.

 

Yoshi – He is not good. And do you know Mr. B? He is not good, either. I feel very sorry. Mr. Kobayashi was quarreling with them. They are not so good. The worst thing is that they introduce Africa in bad ways to Japanese readers….

 

Cecil – Well, we are now fortunate with people like Kobayashi, You. You are now taking a serious interest in South African literature and obviously, if you do your home-work and you’ve come all this way from Japan to come and ask me questions about La Guma, it means that you are serious. You want to know as much as possible. So when you begin to write about it, and introduce him to Japanese people, you’ll be speaking something from authenticity, not something that is not true. And that’ll be very helpful, because I think it for us South Africans is very important that Japan or people in Japan know about what’s exactly happening now, because Japan is a very powerful nation economically and she has quite a lot of investment in South Africa. And our aim is to try to get all the countries that invest there to stop investing, because the South African regime will continue to be as they are at the moment-if they know countries like Japan, West Germany, France, Britain, U.S.A., Canada, that they’re all supporting economically. So they’ll simply say, “there’s nothing wrong with our system, why should we change?" So we feel that, you know, these rich countries or these economically strong countries should stop investing there. Furthermore, our view is that Japanese are an Asian nation and therefore should be closer to other Third World nations especially to Africa and that we should be able to get help from Japan…. They should have no difficulty in listening to our position. It may be more difficult to convince U.S.A. or Britain because they can argue that people over there are our kith and kin, you see, but Japanese, they are not kith and kin, so why should they help? The economy is there, you see.

 

Yoshi – The ruling party is very conservative and now most of Japanese are Americanized and they know nothing about the situation and the ruling party is going forward to the Third World War. For example they gained the power of the advancement of security treaty between the United States and Japan. They succeeded by the majority of the Congressmen. So but most of Japanese do not recognize the dangerous situation. Only the Communist Party is stressing the dangerous situation. We may make the same error when we made the error at the Second World War. Do you support ANC?

 

Cecil – I am a member of ANC.

Yoshi – I’m carrying some money for ANC, but I’m having Traveler’s check, so I’d like to change the traveler’s check into cash.

 

Cecil – Alex La Guma located himself in a central position. He didn’t just write for writing’s sake. He wrote to tell stories about the real problems of the people in South Africa. So I think in that way his books will always be important. They’re important as stories but also important as histories. Because La Guma always talked about recording the history of South Africa.

 

Yoshi – You stress it in your book.

 

 

 

Cecil — I stress the point that he saw himself as a recorder of history. That he had to give the picture of the lives of the people in South Africa, which is very important. So I think in that way his writings will always be important. Even one day when South Africa has no more apartheid our young people will have a history of what had happened before so that we don’t repeat those mistakes in the future. Because it’s very important that we don’t replace white racism with black racism. It’s important that all our people are given democratic rights and that people are seen as human beings not human beings who are black or brown or white, but human beings who are just living and trying to make a life. And so it’s very important that we have these books so that if we have the majority of the blacks, for example, say, well, why don’t we oppress the minority? Then we can always point out, look, we’ve gone through this before and there’s no point repeating this. Alex La Guma believed very deeply in the integrity of the human beings not integrity of the black person or the white person  human beings  and the violation is not the violation of white or black person but of the human beings. And so in this way all his work, it was his purpose in life to try to bring about South Africa and a world, where all people are respected for their humanity not for their colour.

 

They are the policies of ANC.

 

Cecil — It’s ANC policy. ANC policy is exactly the same. That you don’t look at the person’s colour, person’s wealth, whether a person’s beautiful or ugly but you look at a person as a human being, what you offer as a human being to make it a better society, and a better world. La Guma believed in very firmly and he loved it. And I think that was one of the nice things about him -If you went to visit him, he would be very easy with you. He didn’t look at you because you came from Japan and even if Japan is not one of the countries that is a big support of ANC. La Guma doesn’t look upon you as being the country Japan. He looks upon you as another human being who is interested in the problems of South Africa, who would like to see changes that will bring about our equal society. That’s what he’s looking at. lie would disagree with you if you came to his house and said, “I don’t believe in those principles," he’ll kick you out of his house. The people who come in my house are people who believe in the principles I believe in. fn that way he was a very nice person to know and his wife is also the same. She also worked with him in the political movements. She also went to jail. So they worked together very closely and I think you see the same humanity, the same concerns coming into the books. When you tell stories in the books, they’re always stories of people, while oppressed, he is always trying to get them to fight back, to challenge the system….

 

When did you make friends with Alex La Guma?

 

Cecil — Well, I actually only met Alex La Guma outside South Africa.

 

Outside South Africa?

 

Cecil — I didn’t know him there, but I knew about him. I had read his columns in the newspaper and I’d read about him. But I didn’t know him, and I was still too young.

 

When were you born?

 

Cecil — I was born in 1940.

 

1940?

 

Cecil — Yeah, Alex La Guma was born in 1925.

 

I was born in 1949.

 

Cecil — 1949. Oh. So I did’t know him, but I was born in Johannesburg in the inner city, in a suburb called Brededorp. This suburb had been made famous by one of the first black writers called Peter Abrahams. You’ve read some of his works?

 

Ah, he is also a coloured man?

 

Cecil — Yes, he is also a coloured man.

 

Can I, Can we call a coloured man?

 

Cecil — Yes….

 

Is it polite?

 

Cecil — No, it’s not any more. Today all the people who are not white, we call black, not coloured any more.

 

Cecil — So I was born in a home where my father came from India and my mother had a Jewish father and an African mother, a Zulu mother. So we were classed as coloured in our area by the government. And we were a poor family. There were six children. And…but my mother had a strong interest in us getting schooling, that we should get some education. She argued that if you have an education, you can take care of yourself. I lived in an area that was very poor, really poor, and so early in my life I became conscious of the inequality between white and black. So I, at the age of twelve, I went to jail for the first time.

 

To Jail?

 

Cecil — Jail. To prison. For opposing we had some sports fields, soccer fields. One side was for black children. The other side was for white children. Black children had just gravel. White children had grass. So I took all the black children into the white side.

 

Is it, was it difficult to play on gravel?

 

Cecil — Very, very, because we got scratched, and injured and so I took the children over to the white side of the grass, and we got arrested. Then I was very active in my community, helping people oppose all sorts of wrong legislation. So I went to jail three times. And I became….

 

How long?

 

Cecil — Well, each time was only a short period, for a few weeks, and I became a member of the African National Congress. When I was only sixteen, I joined ANC. And then, when I finished my high school, I went to university. The university is in your, in this magazine. The University of Witwatersrand. I went there one year but I left because….

 

What’s the name of….

 

Cecil — University of Witwatersrand. I’ll show you a picture you call it Witwatersrand.

 

How do you pronounce?

 

Cecil — It’s an Afrikaans word. It means Wit-waters-rand which means…..

 

Wit, Wit…

 

Cecil — Wit-waters-rand

 

Waters-rand

 

Cecil — It was a spelling mistake (in your magazine) Wit-waters-rand, there should be an 'r’ there, not an '1’, should be an…, it means this is the area of southern Johannesburg. It’s about thirty-six miles long and all along it they discovered gold. So it was called Witwatersrand. This is the university.

 

Cecil — I went there for one….

 

He is now….?

 

Cecil — Yes, that’s right. Mphahlele, yes. That’s right. I left after one year because they used to discriminate. They discriminated against us. There were students, there were five thousand students. There were about four thousand nine hundreds and fifty were white and fifty black students. We were not allowed to take part in dancing, gymnastics, sports. We were only allowed to go to class and the library. Otherwise, we weren’t allowed because we were not white. So I didn’t like it. So I left it. I went to Basotho land. Today it is Lesotho.

 

Lesotho, one of the homelands?

 

Cecil — No, not a homeland. It’s an independent country. It’s inside South Africa. L-E-S-O-T-H-O.

 

LESOTHO, LESOTHO….

 

Cecil — At that time it was not independent. It was still under British rule. It was called Basotho land. So I went to college, there. I finished my B. A. and I came back to South Africa and I taught high-school without a teacher’s certificate. So I was unqualified, but I had a degree, which was something rare, because very few black people got degrees. We were a small number. I taught high-school for seven months.

 

Seven months. High-school?

 

Cecil — Yes. I taught English and history and all sorts of things. Then I was arrested again for taking part in a “stay home." We asked the people to stay off from work, when South Africa became a republic, and I was in….

 

Oh, 1961?

 

Cecil — Yes. Then I was a…. I helped to organize the stay home, giving out leaflets, advising people not to go to work. And we were arrested. We were kept in jail for four months.

 

Four months.

 

But we were not put on trial. We were just kept. And finally they put us on trial.

 

For the Communist Party?

 

Cecil — No, by the government, they put us on trial. They said we were trying to get the people to oppose the government, to destroy the country. So when we were put on trial, the ANC, then we were let out on bail. And then the ANC decided that some of us had to leave the country because we were wasting a lot of our lives there by going to jail, so they told us we should leave the country. I first went to Swaziland, then to Tanzania and from Tanzania I was sent to Canada and in Canada I completed my studies and did my master’s degree and my Ph.D. And I….

 

In Canada?

 

Cecil — And the ANC decided it would be better for me to stay on rather than go back. By now they are calling me a communist

 

Like La Guma?

 

Cecil — Like La Guma. That’s a very common thing. When they don’t like you, they suddenly decide you are a communist. So for South Africans communism means opposing injustice. Communism means the neglect. They don’t understand communism. They only know if you oppose apartheid, then you’re a communist and that’s good. So I left and came to Canada to work with the ANC, but also to finish my studies. Then I started teaching at the university. And I’ve been teaching and working quite actively for the ANC.

 

Cecil — I’ve been in Canada since 1963, teaching and working with the ANC. At the beginning we had no ANC people, now we have a few working for us in Canada.

 

In Canada is it common foreigners can get a full time job?

 

Cecil — You have to be a Canadian citizen or an official immigrant. They don’t want foreigners any more. But it was quite easy up to about five years ago. In fact, many of the professors of Canada at Canadian universities are from England or from America or some Europeans. But I came to Canada as a refugee, so I had no papers, because I had no South African passport, because I’d escaped the country and so they gave me Canadian papers-so it was not a problem.

 

Is it easy to get a permanent visa for a South African?

 

Cecil — No.

 

No. Is it difficult….

 

Cecil — Is it easy for South Africans to come to Canada? It depends South Africans can come here now, and they can claim refugee status because South Africa’s having so much trouble. If you are persecuted by the government of South Africa, then Canada will give you a refugee status. If you want to come here as an immigrant, the procedure takes a long time. And generally Canada has not been favorable for immigrants that are not white. It’s much harder to get any kind of papers in Canada. So South Africans don’t come to Canada very much. So South Africans usually go to England, or to the US or in Africa to places like Zimbabwe, Tanzania, and other countries.

 

Zambia has the headquarter of ANC?

 

Cecil — ANC headquarters are in Lusaka. So many of the South Africans who live in Canada came here as people wanting better lives. Not many are interested in politics. They don’t care too much about what’s happening in South Africa. So it’s a bit of a problem for us. The ANC in Canada has about 30 members.

 

Thirty?

 

Cecil — All over the country.

 

When did you meet La Guma?

 

Cecil — The first time I met La Guma was in Tanzania.

 

At Dar-es-Salaam University?

 

Cecil — That’s it.

 

In 1976?

 

Cecil — 1976. That’s right.

 

Do you know Richard Samin in Cote de Ivoire?

 

Cecil — Who’s that?

 

Richard Samin.

 

Cecil — Oh, Yes.

 

I sent the copy of the interview.

 

Cecil — That’s where I met La Guma. La Guma had just had a heart attack.

 

He had to return to London in two months?

 

Cecil — Yes, then I saw him many times in London and then in Cuba.

 

You took part in a conference at Dar-es-Salaam University?

 

Cecil — I was a Friendship Commonwealth visiting professor. I was sent to give lectures all over and I gave some of them in Dar-es-Salaam. And so….

 

He was a….

 

Cecil — He was a visiting writer.

 

A visiting writer in residence?

 

Cecil — In residence. So I met him then. And two years later in London I decided to write a book on La Guma, so we started talking about it. And then I started working on it, writing it. In 1982 he made me his official biographer. I’m now responsible for all his papers, for all the literary stuff. It’s my responsibility. There are some unfinshed works, which I mean to put together into a book.

 

Is it possible to publish `Zone of Fire’?

 

Cecil — It was `Zone of Fire,’ but he changed it in the end to `Crowns of Battle’.

 

Is it possible to publish it?

 

Cecil — It’s not finished, we have about three chapters. So I’m putting it together with some commentary. But it’s not ready.

 

I’m looking forward to the publication.

 

Cecil — It’s quite good, the work he didn’t on it. He was also finished a biography of his father, which I’d like to get published. And then he has a few short stories which have not been published, which we’d like to publish. He wrote some radio plays when he was living in London, as part-time work, for the BBC. Mostly detective stories. I’m going to put them all together, some can have a complete production of them. So over a period, we’ll have quite a lot of La Guma’s matherial coming out. But I’m also doing it for the South African people, so that they have a record of what La Guma was like. And Mrs. La Guma wants a good record, so she’s very anxious that I get it all done.

 

Why did La Guma choose to go to Cuba?

 

Cecil — Oh, he was quite active still with the African National Congress and they need a representative there and so they asked him. He was stationed in Cuba but he was chief executive for Cuba and the Caribbean. They often travelled to Jamaica, Trinidad, and so on. The ANC asked him to go. He liked Cuba very much. They liked him a lot. When he died, there was a service, Fidel Castro’s brother was the main speaker.

 

Castro?

 

Cecil — Castro’s brother. He spoke at the funeral. And the secretary-general of the ANC was there. He got a very big send-off, The Cubans are going to have a special second memorial service in October for La Guma. They’ve invited his wife to come, but she doesn’t think she’ll go. She has too many memories and feels too much. So maybe one of the children go, One of the children.

 

He had two sons, Bartholomew….

 

Cecil — Eugene.

 

Where is….

 

Cecil — Eugene lives in Moscow. He is married to a Russian girl. He has two children.

 

Two children?

 

Cecil — And Bartho is living in Africa, in Zambia.

 

Zambia, now?

 

Cecil — He is working for the ANC’s film unit now. He studied film and now he’s working for The ANC’s film unit. One of the other speakers who’s coming to the next conference next August, Dennis Brutus will come, too. Dennis knew Alex La Guma in South Africa. They worked together.

 

Dennis Brutus?

 

Cecil — Dennis is now in Pittsburgh. He used to be in Chicago, but he moved. And he’s now chairman of the black community vocation department at the University of Pittsburgh.

 

Pittsburgh. He once lived in Austin, Texas?

 

Cecil — He was there for one year. He was a visiting professor for one year.

 

Texas University published many African books?

 

Cecil — Well, they have a journal there, Research in African Literature and there’s a good library where they buy the original papers of many African writers. So the library is very good. there’s a good African studies (department).

 

And North Western University?

 

Cecil — North Western is very good. North Western has a good library, also. Dennis used to be at North Western. And Mphahlele was there also. So was Ngugi wa Thiong’o at North Western. There have been many Africans at North Western.

 

How old is Dennis?

 

Cecil — Dennis is one year older than La Guma. He was born in 1924.

 

3-A

 

The problem of passing?

 

Cecil — Yes, much like the Deep South. Yon see, passing. So we’ve had this problem, too. It means you get better jobs, better living conditions and so on and so on. Some people do that. Alex, of course, would argue against it, saying that you should think of your dignity and you should be proud that you are who you are. You don’t go trying to be someone else. What he tried to do, he was probably the first to write among the mixed race community, to try to give a picture of his community, because until then there was no picture. There was a book written on the mixed race community by a white woman. It was called God’s Step Children.

 

Cecil — No mixed race person has come out to talk about his community, and Alex’s columns in the newspaper New Age, and also his stories and novels then tried to give a picture of the history of these people.

 

Was New Age banned?.

 

Cecil — Yes, in 1962.

 

Cecil — So Alex tried, in fact, to set himself up to tell the story of the coloured people, because he felt they’d been ignored. They had been neglected. He also hoped that he could inspire in them a confidence, a pride that they were worth something, they were not nothing, they had something to offer and so his stories, if you look at them, are quite affectionate, I mean, they’re problems but he is very kind, because it is his own people. He feels for them like a father who looks at his children even though he is cross with them, he still says, “Well, that’s my children." But he still tries to be kind. So you notice that in his books he sees himself doing the job of a historian, collecting the history, a teacher showing his people what to do. And then, of course, Alex was very much a kind of an optimist, a very optimistic attitude, even though life was rough for him sometimes, all the arrests, detentions, house arrests. He always saw the bright side. lie always saw on the side of the mountain, it will be better. And so with this optimistic spirit then, when people did something wrong, he could still forgive them. For example in In the Fog of the Season’s End, you have Buekes who loved dancing. So he was unlike Richard Wright in that way. Richard Wright was very angry, and there’s a lot of bitter denunciation.

 

Cecil — But Richard Wright in a way went to Paris then and wrote books about his life in America. And he got out all his anger, and his bitterness. He never wanted to go back to the States. You know because he was so cross with the state of the black man in the States, you see. In a way he becomes like James Baldwin who also was very angry at what had happened. But Alex La Guma was not like that. Alex La Guma, what saved him was that he was also involved with the political movement, a liberation movement. When you work for liberation movement, and you’re also an artist you know that in your liberation philosophy there’s the strong belief that we gonna win this fight, we just got to keep going at it. We are writing what we are doing, our cause is just. And if we do it together collectively, we are going to win someday. But if you don’t do it collectively, if you don’t have a political movement, if you do it as an individual, then you’re more likely to get angry all the time, because you’ve nowhere to turn, there’s no communities to fall back on. So Alex could keep on believing, because there wasn’t just the writing going on but there was the practical political work, you see.

 

Yes, yes.

 

Cecil — He could go from one to the other. Many writers can’t because they are entirely writers and they remove themselves from the world, and so the problem is inside heads and finally in their emotions and then they destroy themselves.

If you’re also involved in your community and your world, then you don’t have the time to get only angry with yourself and destroy yourself, because you must give the energy to others. Now I think this helped. Alex was first politically involved before he became a writer, which helped a lot, because if he was at first a writer and then a politician, he would have had problems. He was first involved in politics. He then very easily went over to writing artistical. And that was because he had a gift, a talent to write, he could tell a story in a way where even though he was politically involved, he never tried to indoctrinate you. He just told a story. You ought to read, to look at the stories…. And also if you notice in Alex La Guma’s writings, he does not tell you how to think. He leaves the story there, he lets you decide what to do with it. He doesn’t say to you, “This is love. This is life." He says “Here’s a story, you deal with it." Even the story, “Coffee for the Road" you watch — when the lady explodes in the cafe. Alex La Guma didn’t tell you she is exploding because they are treating her in such an unjust way. He just says that she exploded because the situation was not human, not dignified. But you, as a reader, you have not been given any propaganda. You’ve been given a story and you can easily see, look, if I were in the same situation, I would have acted in exactly the same way. You’re looking for a cup of coffee and they tell you you can’t come inside the cafeteria, you have to go behind and, order your coffee from there, then obviously, you know, you’re going to react to it. So I think in that sense Alex tells the story but leaves it to us who are reading the story. If you read a lot of South Africa writing whether it’s novels or poetry or so on, you’ll see that there’s a lot of straight sloganeering, a lot of straight propaganda. You know you can read it and you can say, “Well, I suppose if this had been a political leaflet, it would be better but as a story. It’s not coming out, you know." He didn’t do that. That’s his story. You can see the loss of people’s rights. It is his artistic ability to take a very dry political situation, and make it live for you who are not living in South Africa, after you’ve read a story like, let’s say, `Lemon Orchard’ or “Coffee for the Road" or, let’s say, A Walk in the Night, or A Threefold Cord, you finish reading it, though you’ve never been to South Africa, it’s so graphic and it clearly describes.

 

4-A

 

Cecil — Richard Wright was also, in a way, American racism is much worse than South African racism because American racism, even though the American Constitution is against it, in practice it carries on. And in the South, the law courts always favour racists, so you could kill a black person and you have a jury that’s all on your side, and they acquit you. In South Africa, you know that there is no chance that you could ever win a law case, I mean, you don’t worry about it. Because you know there’s no chance. I believe in America, the blacks believe in the Constitution which doesn’t do anything for them. I always find it difficult. Wherever I go to the US, to the conferences and I see a lot of black Americans, scholars, lecturers, or students. I always ask them, you know, you are getting such a hard time in this country. You feel sorry for us in South Africa, but in a way we should feel sorry for you, because you are even worse off here than we are. In our country, at least we know what they are doing to us. You are having these things done, and you don’t know how to react to them….

 

Cecil — Alex didn’t do too well financially, you know. His family was always close, just making enough to survive. }[is wife always sold hi s. stories. She said that there were sometimes days when they had no food in the house and the children were still small and she just didn’t know where to get a piece of bread in London…. Unfortunately at this time the ANC had no way of compensating Alex with money…. That was one of the reasons why he went to Cuba because they thought it’d give him something, you know, he’d get enough to live on. The Cuban Government paid for the housing, the food,….

 

The Cuban Government?

 

Cecil — Yes, Cuban Government sees the ANC as the legitimate representative of the South African people, so they treat the South African representative as a diplomat.

 

In Cuba?

 

Cecil — Yes, in Cuba. They gave him a house in the deplomatic area. So they provided them wtih the house free and gave them a voucher to get food from special stores, gave them a car and so on. So that was the first time, from ’79 to ’85.

 

You visited Cuba?

 

Cecil —Yes, I’ve been there twice.

 

4-B

 

Cecil — I’m very concerned that there is a history of South African writers written, and prepared so that when the day of change comes, we have all this material available for our people, for our younger people to read. And all these writers who lived outside the country and who have done a lot will maybe provide them whenever they come because these children have never seen them, never heard of them. So in a way I’m trying to do a job, also for the country, to leave behind for the country and for the world, so there is a history they can go to. I think it’s very important, because just writing books for books’ sake, I think it’s a waste of time.

 

Cecil — Now the young people today they don’t drink, because they say it is drink that only people don’t know how to fight. So they don’t like drinking. When they start demonstrating, they call them shebeens, they beat up the people, they throw out the liquor, they chase them off. So you know they don’t only attack the government, they also go for their own people because they say all those things are not healthy and also, you know, when they get their salary, they go straight to the shebeen, they don’t go home. By the time they got home, there’s no money for the wife and children, for food, for milk, for bread, for clothes, for books…. But now many South Africans in exile, especially in England because many of those, who were political in South Africa, go to England -they get together and they drink. And when I visit them in England, I’m surprised how much they can drink….Ohh!

 

The younger people are hopeful!

 

Cecil — Yes, and they don’t drink.

 

The generation of 1976.

 

Cecil — “Soweto."

 

Cecil — Since 1976 they are all very militant. And they don’t drink, don’t smoke. They are very serious. The older generation, Alex La Guma’s generation, they were very good but they liked to have a nice time, you know, they liked to laugh, smoke, drink. Alex used to drink and smoke too much. We told him many times. One evening he and Elsie Nitess who was the editor of Sechaba, another South African, he lives in England, La Guma, who had been drinking most of the night…. Next morning he had to go on a plane with his student to some meeting. Well, on the plane he had a heart attack and died. He was dead when they landed. He was in his twenties. It was because of all the liquor. So we told Alex at that time, you know. At that time ANC sent him to Cuba because they knew it would be dangerous. He drank too much in London. But once he got to go to Cuba, he changed. His health was better, when I saw him in June 1985, it was very good.

 

He visited Moscow.

 

Cecil — He looked very healthy. In fact, I said to him, “Oh, you’re getting younger!" He was supposed to come to Canada in October. We were at a conference and then he wanted to make a tour of Canada. And I just was in touch with them a week before he died, to finish the arrangement. I was so shocked because I’d already sent tickets and everything. I was quite surprised because we didn’t expect it. So drink, for South Africans, it’s nothing good.

 

6-A

 

How about the younger people?

 

Cecil — I think the younger people will change. They’re very different because they respect each other more as human beings not as woman and man but as humans. And I think they will bring a complete change. I think what is happening in South Africa is very positive because the young people are not doing the things their fathers used to do. They have very different attitudes. And I think that’s very good for South Africa.because I’m always arguing with the ANC that we don’t just need a change of government, we need a change of humanity. In other words I feel still today that in the top leadership of the ANC there’re not enough women, and there are many, many women who work for the ANC. And but they are not getting to a high position. So I always argue that women should be treated fairly, because, you see, the majority of the members of the ANC, of course, are black, and they come from various communities, Zulu, Xhoxa, and so on. In our traditions, in African traditions, the men are brought up to be selfish. There is no sharing. The man is the boss. And the women must do all the dirty works, you know. So, in that way, many of the men who are in the ANC, especially the older men, like the generation of Oliver Tambo, the generation of Nelson Mandela -the oldest generation. They grew up being chauvinists. It takes a while for them to understand that revolution is more than just politics. It’s also your way of life. It’s what you do at home, it’s the way you treat your children, it’s the way you treat your wife. It’s a way of life. You can’t just say I’m gonna non-sexist. Because to be truly democratic. All the societes of the West talk about democracy, but it is not a democracy, it is the monopoly of the rich. They own the country, they are the power. The other people are mostly workers, who accept what is given to them. Actually the rich are taking the largest share and leaving a little bit for the bottom. And some of us are foolish enough to think we’re getting our share. It’s not true. So La Guma said the same thing in his work.

 

Cecil — And so the younger generation said, “No! We’re tired of talking! If we’re gonna get a change in this country, we’ll have to fight for it. But unfortunately they were not many. They were not enough people who shared that view, because most people were worried about their lives, didn’t want to die, or go to jail, and so on. The younger generation from 1976 is very different. They don’t spend as much time talking. In their minds they know what they want. They want FREEDOM NOW! EQUALITY NOW! They don’t want to wait for the next generation. They want it NOW! This is why they’re doing things we never dreamed to do. We believed in peaceful demonstration like Buekes. We went on the street all the time, with leaflets. So we got beaten up and put in jail. We didn’t do anything. We’d just given out leaflets. And then on top of that you got beaten up so badly by the police, you got tortured…. But today’s generation don’t. They don’t believe merely a change of government, they believe in the change of life. That South Africa must not concentrate so much on material things. We must concentrate on the spiritual life, improving our way of thinking about life. So, for example, the ANC says we believe in the nationalization of major industries, particularly government’s place like railways, banks, agriculture and so forth. These young people are not talking about nationalizing. They say that they believe in a socialist state where everything produced in a country is to be shared fairly among everyone. The ANC, for example, has had meetings, our leadership has had meetings with South African businessmen. I think it was in Senegal. They had several meetings at Lusaka, so the white businessmen who had come from South Africa wanted big corporations, and so they talked, and the ANC said: well you know, they asked the ANC if you formed the government, would you make the country a socialist state? Will there be no capitalism any more ? Another thing must be tried as well. We will always allow some individual enterprise, but you see, our young people in South Africa are saying No! There will be no capitalism. We are after a country that will be centrally governed and see all the wealth distributed fairly among all people. So that’s very different from what the ANC is saying. So I am always arguing that because we’ve been away from South Africa so long, we sometimes don’t understand the changes that are going on. We don’t understand the thinking of our young people. That they don’t exactly share our beliefs, basically. Our view is that, well, we could all live together, white, black, brown can all live together peacefully. It is true, we can all live together peacefully. But the point is, when the changeover takes place the whites will be in the strongest position-they will run the mining, they will run the businesses, they will have the beautiful houses, they will .live on the best areas, they will have the best schools. How are we going to change that? The ANC says that, ーWell, it will take time. But you know in Zimbabwe they are trying this and there’s a lot of people getting upset because they want to see some movement. So the ANC again are discovering that the younger people at home are saying, ー We want a decent living now. We’re not waiting for time." So again there’s going to be some trouble, because there’s going to be a need to understand the position of the younger people is not exactly the position of the ANC today. The ANC must also change, because we need to think more actively about how we can also meet the aspirations of the younger people. My own feeling is with the younger people, because they have a better vision of where we’re going and what South Africa must be….

 

8-A

 

Cecil — I went to a conference once, in Malta, and I went to hear a paper by a German scholar, a young German. He came from the University of Kiel. He talked about Ngugi on Petals of Blood. The book had just come out. So he started off his lecture by saying, “I was going on a trip. I was at the airport in Germany. I was looking for something to be read on the plane. So I went into a bookstore and saw a book with this Blood, this flower of blood and I felt, “I think I’ll read this. It must be a horrible story, full of shooting and whatnot," and I think he said he was a Marxist. So I wanted to show he doesn’t know anything about Marxist. So he gave a very superficial paper and when he finished, I was very cross, and I went up to him and asked him where he got the stupidity from to come and read this paper. And the audience all agreed with me….he then admitted he didn’t know anything about this writer,…but then you see you get that kind of thing, people don’t do their homework…but they’re so interested in getting their names in magazines and books. Most people don’t know what they’re talking about, so they read the books and say, 'Oh, no problem!’ So I felt this kind of work must be done by people who know, who care, who have a feeling for this writing. So I felt with Alex La Guma there was mostly a feeling of services, someone’s got to do it, otherwise we’re going tho have his writing messed up by a lot of people. There are many writers who need this kind of attention

執筆年

1987年

収録・公開

August 29-31, 1987, St. Catharines, Ontario, Canada

ダウンロード

TAMADA Yoshiyuki Makes interviews with Cecil Abrahams

1976~89年の執筆物

概要

南アフリカの作家アレックス・ラ・グーマ(1925-1985)を知るために、カナダに亡命中の南アフリカ人学者セスゥル・A・エイブラハムズ氏を訪ねた際の紀行・記録文です。見ず知らずの日本からの突然の訪問者を丸々三日間受け入れて下さったエイブラハムズ氏の生き様、そのエイブラハムズ氏が語る「アレックス・ラ・グーマ」を、録音テープの翻訳をもとにまとめたものです。

                                           ラ・グーマ

本文(写真作業中)

カナダにひとり、祖国を離れてアパルトへイトと闘う南アフリカ人がいた。

セスル

8月下旬、私はカナダに亡命中のセスゥル・A・エイブラハムズ氏を訪ねた。一昨年、まだアレックス・ラ・グーマが存命中に出版された単行本『アレックス・ラ・グーマ』で初めて名前を見かけたのだが、今回お会いするまでは、その本の著者だということ以外ほとんど何も知らなかった。著書に含まれた伝記、作品論を読んで魅かれ、もっと知りたい、やる限りはラ・グーマを正当に評価したい、そんな思いでガナダに行った。しかし、暖かく迎えていただき、丸々3日間本当にお世話になった。忙しい身にも拘わらず、長時間にわたるインタビューにも快く応じて下さった。お蔭で、頂戴したラ・グーマの草稿のコピーなどの資料とともに、かなりの録音テープと写真を持ち帰ることが出来た。すべてを紹介することは到底できないが、写真やインタビューの翻訳を交えながら、南アフリカの解放の日に備えて異国の地でアパルトへイトと闘うアレックス・ラ・グーマの伝記作家セスゥル・A・エイブラハムズ氏の姿をお伝えしたい。

セスルの本

目的地はオンタリオ州セイント・キャサリンズ。案内書には、ナイアガラ半島上にあるオンタリオ湖畔の町、人口は12万4千、とある。有名なナイアガラの滝が近い。ニューヨーク市からカナダ航空で約一時間、トロント空港に着く。空港からはリムジンが直接、玄関先まで運んでくれた。閑静な住宅街である。玄関に最初に現われたのは夫人のローズマリー(Rosemary)さん。後ろからエイブラハムズ氏が、遠くからようこそ、と微笑みながら現われた。挨拶もそこそこに、私は鞄から「ゴンドワナ」8号や出発の2日前に小林先生が届けて下さった川崎でのラ・グーマの写真など、日本からのみやげを取り出した。写真を見つめながら、エイブラハムズ氏は早速、85年にラ・グーマと一緒にソ連に招かれた時の模様を語り始めた。

目の見えぬ老人、本を小脇に抱えて

 エイブラハムズ氏 まず、1985年6月に、ソビエト作家同盟がモスクワでアレックス・ラ・グーマの60歳の誕生日を祝って記念の一夜を設けてくれたときのことをお話したい。会場には千人以上の人が来てラ・グーマを祝福してくれました。私も講演者のひとりでしたが、本当にたくさんの人がラ・グーマを読んでいるのに驚きました。誰もが、著書にサインをしてもらおうと本を小脇に抱えながら会場に来ていました。その中に老人がひとり、たぶん70代の後半だと思いましたが、その人、目が見えないのに、手にはラ・グーマの本が一杯!ラ・グーマのところに近づいて行ってサインを頼んでいました。とても感動的な体験でしたよ。実際、ソ連の出版社はよくやりました。ラ・グーマの作品集を50万部刷って、一ヶ月ですべて売り尽くしました。お蔭で、ラ・グーマはソ連では人気作家です。もちろん、本人は何度もソ連に足を運んでいますが。また、ラ・グーマは南アフリカ共産党の一員でしたし。父親もそうでしたから、その関係でもソ連とは深い繋がりがあったのです。ラ・グーマの本はソ連の多くの言葉に翻訳されています。ですから、ソ連では広く読まれ、尊敬されてもいるのです。そして、多分いつの日か、日本でも同じくらいたくさんの人がラ・グーマを読む(!?)・・・・・・(笑いながら)

写真4ラ・グーマ2ソ連で

-そうなったら本当にいいですね・・・・・・

(うなずきながら)

南アフリカで、ラ・グーマが読める

 エイブラハムズ氏 そうですね、南アフリカにとって、南アフリカ人にとって、ラ・グーマは、黒人作家の中では南アフリカが生んだ最高の作家だと誰もが考えていますからね。また、ピーター・エイブラハムズを除いて、南アフリカのどの黒人作家よりもたくさんの本、たくさんの小説を書いていますから。ピーター・エイブラハムズが南アフリカについて書いたのは何年も前のことで、今は書いていません。そして、最近、アフリカ全般についてやカリブについて書き始めました。アレックス・ラ・グーマには五つも小説があって、たぶん南アフリカ黒人の間では最高の作家ですよ。でも、今重要なのは、 アレックス・ラ・グーマのものが南アフリカでは禁止されていて、南アフリカの人に読めないということです。発売も禁じられています。しかし、現在、政府に許可を申請している南アフリカの出版社がいくつかあります・・・・・・。

写真5 A Walk

-本を出すための、ですか。

エイブラハムズ氏 そう、本を出すための、ですよ。そして、出版社側は多分可能だと考えています。というのも、ケープタウンのフィリップス・ カンパニーから、ごく最近ですが手紙が来て、ラ・グーマのものを出版できるようにしてもらえるかどうか、と私に打診してきたからです。『夜の彷徨』の出版を考えていて、出版社はその再版を出したいとの意向です。 たぶん、近いうちに、南アフリカの人はアレックス・ラ・グーマが読めるようになりますよ。

(エイブラハムズ氏は、ラ・グーマとピーター・エイブラハムズを黒人作家と呼び、カラード作家とは言わなかった。カラードとは言わないのですか、との問いには、南アフリカ政府が、白人以外の人々を、黒人、カラード、インド人の各人種グループに意図的に分断しようとしたために、人々はカラードと呼ばれるのを嫌い、今では「カラード」を使わず、白人、黒人だけを用いています、との答えが返ってきた。人々は政府のたくらみによって人種別に分断され、結束できなくなる危険性を充分に感じていたのである。黒人、カラード、インド人からなる三人種体制の政府の悪だくみを見事に描いたポスター劇『かつての兄弟』が門土社総合出版刊行のterra創刊号(1986年9月号、5~7ペイジ)で紹介されたが、興味深いことに、エイブラハムズ氏は、その作者ドン・マッテラとは高校時代の同級生であった。ただし、当時、ドン・マッテラは政治には関心がなく、街にたむろするチンピラで(『夜の彷徨』のマイケル・アドゥニスたちのように)、大変おっかなかった、そうである。「あいつは大へん変わったんですよ。政治的になって・・・・・・」と言いながら、エイブラハムズ氏は含み笑いを見せた・・・・・・)

現在何が起こっているかを知ってほしい

エイブラハムズ氏は次に、キューバで行なったラ・グーマとのインタビューの模様を語り始めた。ラ・グーマの作品や南アフリカでの体験について二人で議論に議論を重ねたことを振り返りながら「あなたがここに居る間にその時のテープを聞かせてあげますよ。テープを聞いたら、そしてラ・グーマ本人の声を聞いたら、きっと何かいいアイデアが浮かびますよ・・・・・・そう。あの人はとっても親切でしたよ。しかし、もうこの世には・・・・・・もし生きていれば、あなたがどんな質問をしても何でも答えてくれるんですがね。あの人は本当に優しくて、暖かい人でしたよ・・・・・・」と非常に感慨深げな様子であった。おそらく、ラ・グーマとのありし日々が思い出されたのであろう。

もしラ・グーマが生きていれば、ここに来る前に、私はきっとラ・グーマに会いに行っただろう、そんなことを思いながら、しかし、ある後ろめたさが、どうしても念頭から離れなかった。

最近、ラ・グーマのものを集中して読むようになり、必然的に南アフリカの歴史や政治などに関するものを併せて読むようになった。特にアフリカの場合、文学と政治を切り離しては考えられないからである。本誌前号でも触れたように、私はアメリカの黒人作家リチャード・ライトを通してアメリカ黒人の歴史を知り、ライトの『ブラック・パワー』を通じてアフリカを考えるようになった。アメリカ黒人の歴史から奴隷貿易の理不尽を、『ブラック・パワー』から植民地支配の爪あとを教えられた。また、ラ・グーマや南アフリカの歴史を通して、西洋中心の<横暴>や、その<横暴>によってもたらされた惨状を垣間見た。そして、様々な係わりの中で、自分自身が現に所属する日本政府の過去と現在の理不尽な数々の所業について考えるようになった。

1960年、シャープヴィルでの白人政府の蛮行に対して各国が経済制裁を開始したとき、白人政権の要請に応えて日本政府は国交を回復した。そしてその見返りに、「居住地区に関する限り」、名誉白人として白人なみの扱いを受けている。

写真シャープヴィル

アフリカ行動委員会を創設した故野間寛二郎氏が「たんなる貿易のために、日本人が白人に分類されているのは、日本の民衆の恥辱ではないでしようか」というANC代表の手紙を紹介したのは1969年のことだ。(『差別と叛逆の原点』理論社、1ペイジ)また、来日した詩人マジシ・クネーネがある対談の中で、“Japan is killing us!”と言ったのもその頃である。(『日本読書新聞』1970年4月13日~5月4日、及び『新日本文学』1971年3月号110ペイジに紹介されている)

以来、そんな悲痛な叫びを無視して、日本企業は両政府の完全な庇護のもと、着々と「実績」を伸ばし、「南アフリカ共和国」との貿易高は、アメリカ合衆国に次いで世界第2位となった。ごく最近、円高の影響で、とうとう第1位になった、と報じられた。

個人が好むと好まざるとに拘わらず、私達が搾取する側、つまり加害者側に立っているのは明らかであり、私はそんなニッポンから来たニッポンジンの一人には違いないのだ、ある負い目というのは実はその辺りに原因が潜んでいたのである。聞くところによると、来日したラ・グーマはそんな日本や日本政府に対して容赦なかったらしい。ラ・グーマ同様、筋金入りの南アフリカ人エイブラハムズ氏とむかいあって、そんな負い目が私にはなおのこと重く感じられた。

「残念ですが、日本の現状は決していいとは言えません・・・・・・」と、私の方から済まなさそうに切り出した。私は、ヨーロッパやアメリカ経由で紹介された日本人のアフリカ観や、現実のアフリカ認識が貧しすぎることをまず伝えたかった。そこで、特に紹介の役割を担うべき知識人や学者でさえ、正しい視点や考えを持てない人がいる現状から話し始めた。

写真セスル

しかし、私の懸念を察してか、エイブラハムズ氏は私の話を遮って「何より、こうしてはるばる遠い日本からラ・グーマのことを聞くためにわざわざ私に会いに来てくれたじゃないですか・・・・・・」と前置きして次のように喋り始めた。

エイブラハムズ氏 あなたは出来る限リ多くのことを知りたいと思っている。だからそのことについてあなたが書き始め、ラ・グーマを日本の人たちに紹介するときには、真実でないものにではなく信憑性に拠りどころを求めて何かを語ろうとするでしょう。それがたいへん役に立つのです。というのも、私たち南アフリカ人にとって日本や日本の人たちが、一体現在何が起こっているのかを正確に知ることこそが大切であるからです。また、日本は大変な経済大国で南アフリカに莫大な投資をしているからです。そして私たちの目標は南アフリカに投資するすべての国に投資を止めさせることです。もし、日本や西ドイツ、フランス、イギリス、アメリカ、カナダなどの国が経済援助を続けるのを白人政権が知れば、現状は今のまま変わることはありません。そうなれば、政府は自分たちの体制に何ら間違いはないと言うだけです。そんな状態で一体どうして変革することが出来るというのでしょうか。だから、これらの金持ちの国々が、つまりこれら経済大国が南アフリカへの投資を中止すべきだと実感しているのです。更に私たちは、日本がアジアの国で第三世界の国々、殊にアフリカとはもっと親密であるべきであり、従って日本から援助が得られると見ているのです。もし日本が私たちの立場に耳を傾けるのが難しいというのなら、アメリカやイギリスを説得するのはもっと難しいでしょう。なぜならあの人たちは、南アフリカの白人は自分たちの同胞であり、日本人は南ア白人とは同胞ではない、だからどうして日本人が南ア白人政府を援助すべきなのか、と主張するからです。そこには明らかに経済が存在しているのです。

エイブラハムズ氏が語る日本への願いは、先般来日したANC(アフリカ民族会議)議長オリバー・タンボ氏やUDF(統一民主戦線)のアラン・ブーサック師などが口を揃えて訴えた内容と同じである。(その人たちの来日講演記録が二冊出版されている。アフリカ行動委員会発行の『日本を訪れた自由の戦士たち』と部落解放研究所発行の『魂の叫び-アパルトへイトの撤廃を!人間の尊巌を-』である)ANCの一員であるエイブラハムズ氏は、カナダに亡命以来ずっと、南アフリカの実状を訴えるのに東奔西走して来たという。当初はほとんど反応を示さなかったカナダ政府や市民も、最近は比較的協力的になり、カナダのANC会員も、現在では30名になった、と感慨深げな様子であった。5月末にはアラン・ブーサック師が講演したらしい。「南アフリカの現状はなお厳しく、人々の日常生活は非常に大変ですが、事態は日々変化しており、よい方向にむかって前進しているのは確かで、解放の日が来るのもあとわずかですよ」と言ったあと、「しかし、南アフリカの解放の日のために生涯すべてを捧げたラ・グーマが、その日を迎えることなく、1985年に死んで行ってしまったのが何ともやりきれないですよ」とエイブラハムズ氏はしんみりと付け加えた。

オリバー・タンボ

(折りしも、11月5日、ゴバン・ムベキ氏(77)が他4名とともに釈放された。63年7月に逮捕され、翌年、元ANC議長ネルソン・マンデラ氏らとともに、国家反逆罪で終身刑を言い渡されて以来24年間獄中にいたムベキ氏は、元ANC全国委員長である。釈放に当たっては当局から何の条件もつけられなかったらしく、ポートエリザベスでの記者会見では、マンデラ氏が釈放されることも確信している、と語ったという。「ムベキ氏の釈放は内外の反アパルトへイト政策反対運動の勝利だ。マンデラ氏らの釈放も勝ち取っていく」とのANCスポークスマンの声明は、うれしい知らせである)

写真マンデラ

本誌8号のヨハネスブルグの街の写真を見ながらエイブラハムズ氏は「私の故郷ですよ」と懐しそう。ケープタウンの写真の載っているペイジでは「ラ・グーマの故郷はこのケープタウンですよ・・・・・・・」とやはり感慨深そうであった。表紙を飾っているムファーレレ氏がいるヴイットヴァータースラント大学はエイブラハムズ氏が一年間通った所であった。それらの写真が様々な思い出を蘇らせたのであろう。

黒人搾取の上に成り立つ白人社会の特権を享受している白人作家と、惨めな生活を強いられる黒人作家との間の、おのずからのテーマの違いに触れ、ラ・グーマの本が南アフリカの問題や状況を取り扱っている点を強調したあと、エイブラハムズ氏は次のように語った。

歴史を記録する

エイブラハムズ氏 ラ・グーマは、だだ書くためにだけ書いたのではないのです。南アフリカの人々の現実の問題についての物語を語るために書いたのです。だから、ラ・グーマの本は、将来もその意味でいつも重要であると思います。物語としてだけではなく、歴史としても大切なのです。というのも、ラ・グーマは南アフリカの歴史を記録するのだと常々言っていましたから。

-あなたの本の中で、特に強調されていたところですね。

エイブラハムズ氏 ええ、私はラ・グーマが歴史の記録家であることを自認していた点を強調しました。そのためにラ・グーマは南アフリカの人々の生活を赤裸々に描き出す必要があったのですよ。そのことは大変重要です。だから、これからもラ・グーマの本がいつも大切になってくると思うのですよ。いつか南アフリカにアパルトへイトがなくなる日が訪れても、若い人たちがかつてこの国に起こった歴史を知れば、将来同じ過ちを二度と繰り返さなくて済むでしょう。私たちには、白人至上主義を黒人至上主義に置き換えないということが大事なのです。すべての人間が民主的な諸権利を与えられて、膚の色が黒いとか、褐色だとか、あるいは白いとかという人間としてではなく、ただ生きて、人間らしい生き方をしようとしている人間としてみなされることこそ大切なのです・・・・・・・アレックス・ラ・グーマは黒人と白人の統合ではなく、人類としての統合をとても深く信じていました・・・・・・・すべての人間がその膚の色の故ではなく、その人間性によって尊敬されるような南アフリカを、そしてそのような世界を実現するために努力することこそがラ・グーマの一生の目標だったのです。

-ANCの政策ですね。

エイブラハムズ氏 そう、ANCの政策です。ANCの政策と全く同じですよ。よりよい世界を、そしてよりよい社会を築くために、人間の肌の色や富や醜美とかではなく、人間としてあなたを判断するということです。ラ・グーマはそれが好きでしたし、固く信じてもいました。それはラ・グーマの最もすばらしかった点のひとつだと私は考えています。もしあなたがラ・グーマを訪ねて行ったとしても、あの人はとても気軽に応じてくれていますよ。あの人はあなたを日本からやってきたという目で見たりはしなかったと思います、たとえ日本がANCの最大の支援国のひとつだとしても。あなたを日本という国で判断したりはしません。あなたを南アフリカの問題に関心のある人間として、また平等な社会をもたらしてくれる変革を望んでいる人間としてきっと見てくれていますよ。それがあの人の見方なんです・・・・・・・。

到着してから未だわずかな時間しか経ってはいなかったが、エイブラハムズ氏のそんな話を聞いているうちに私の心は幾分か軽くなっていた。

お互いの紹介もほとんどしないまま、ラ・グーマを軸にいっきにここまで話がすすんだが、話を一時中断して、奥さん、一歳になったばかりの長男と4人で散歩に出ることになった。二人はいつもタ方のこの時間にベビーカーに子供を乗せて散歩しながら寝かせつけるのが日課とのことだった。エイブラハムズ氏がベビーカーを押しながら、4人は家の近くをゆっくりと散歩してまわった。エイブラハムズ氏は、この子の名前アレクセイ(Alexei)はアレックス・ラ・グーマとプーシキンから取ったのですよ、と相好を崩しながら嬉しそうに言った。ラ・グーマへの思い入れはもちろんだが「真の国民文学の創始に努力し、リアリズム文学を確立し、ロシア文学を世界的意義と価値のあるものにした」とされるアレクサンドル・プーシキン(Alexsandr Pushkin, 1799-1837)への思い入れが強かったのだろう。すでに秋の気配の漂うカナダのタ暮れの中で、アレクセイ君、ベビーカーに揺られながらいつのまにか寝息をたてていた。

夕餉の食卓には、中国風の長い箸が並べられてあった。遙かアジアの地からの訪問者に、という配慮が感じられた。

写真食事

楽しいカナダ式中華風夕食が済んでから、いよいよ本格的インタビューが始まった。

写真食事

エイブラハムズ氏は、1940年にヨハネスブルク近郊のブルドドープ(Brededorp)生まれで、日本でも早くから紹介されているピーター・エイブラハムズと同郷であった。新聞のコラム欄を通してその存在を知ってはいたものの、ケープタウン生まれのラ・グーマとは南アフリカ国内での面識はなく、二人が最初に出会ったのは国外に於いて、それもお互いに亡命者としてである。

先述のドン・マッテラの話などをしたあと、エイブラハムズ氏は自らの生いたちを語り始めた。

12歳で拘置所に

エイブラハムズ氏 私は父親がインド出身で、母親がユダヤ人の父とズールー人の母を持つ家庭に生まれました。ですから住んでいた地域内では政府に「カラード」と分類分けされました。わたしの家は貧しく、子供は6人でした。しかし、母親は子供が学校に行き、教育を受けることに殊のほか熱心で、教育を受けていさえすれば、自分ひとりでやっていける、と常々言っていました。私のいた地域は貧しく、とても貧しく、本当に貧しくて、私はかなり小さい時から白人、黒人間の不平等を意識するようになりました。ですから、私が拘置所に初めて行ったのは12歳のときですよ。

-拘置所にですか。

エイブラハムズ氏 拘置所、刑務所にですよ。スポーツの競技場、サッカーの競技場のことで反対したんですよ。黒人の子供たちと白人の子供たちの競技場があって、黒人の方は砂利だらけで、白人の方は芝生でした。 だから、私は白人の競技場にみんなを連れて行ったんです。

-砂利のところでプレイするのは大変だったでしょう。

エイブラハムズ氏 そりゃもうとても大変でしたよ。すり傷はできるし、ケガはするし、だからみんなを白人用の芝生の所まで連れて行ったんです。そうしたらみんなで逮捕されました。それから、人々があらゆる種類の悪法に反対するのを助けながら自分の地域で大いに活動しました。だから、3度刑務所に入れられたんです、それから・・・・・・・。

-どれくらいの期間ですか。

エイブラハムズ氏 そうですね、それぞれ短かくて、1、2週間ほどでした。そのあとわずか16歳でANCの会員になりました。

カナダに亡命して

コロネイションビル高校を出たあと、エイブラハムズ氏はヴィットヴァータースラント大学に進んだが、99パーセントが白人のその大学では黒人は授業に出ることと図書館を利用することしか許されなかった。従って、一年で退学、その後エイブラハムズ氏は現在のレソトの大学で学士号を取得して再び南アフリカに戻り、7ヶ月間無免許で高校の教壇に立った。

1961年5月には、共和国宣言に抗議して行なわれた在宅ストを指導したため、今度は裁判なしに4ヶ月間拘禁されている。

その後、1963年には、ANCの指示に従って、エイブラハムズ氏は単身、ANCの車で国境を越え、スワジランド、タンザニアを経てカナダに亡命した。(のちに、エイブラハムズ氏が亡命したことにより、母親が逮捕され、兄が教職を奪われたことを口づてに聞かされたという)

ラ・グーマより15歳年下のエイブラハムズ氏は、わずか12歳で拘禁され、ラ・グーマより3年も前にすでに亡命していたことになる。

カナダでは市民権を得て、修士号、博士号を取ったあと、大学の教壇に立ち、今日に至っている。カナダにはアフリカ文学のわかるものがいなかったため、詩人ウイリアム・ブレイクで博士論文を書いたそうである。

ラ・グーマと出会って

そんなエイブラハムズ氏がラ・グーマと出会ったのは、客員教授としてタンザニアのダル・エス・サラーム大学に招かれた時で、1976年のことである。当時、ラ・グーマは客員作家として同大学に滞在していた。

2年後、二人はロンドンで再会したが、その時エイブラハムズ氏はラ・グーマに関する本を書くことを決意し、1980年あたりから本格的にその作業に取りかかっている。

1982年には、家族からの要請もあって、ラ・グーマの出版や原稿の管理を頼まれ、更に伝記家としての仕事も引き受けた。現在、ラ・グーマの未出版の短篇、父親についての伝記、口ンドン時代に書かれたラジオ劇、第3章で絶筆となった遺稿『闘いの王冠』(Crowns of Battle)などを一冊にまとめて出版することを考えているという。

ロンドン、キユーバでのラ・グーマ

ラ・グーマが家族とともにエイブラハムズ氏に原稿管理などの依頼をしたのも、78年からキューバに行ったのも、経済的な事情と深く係わりがあった。ラ・グーマは既に何冊も本を出し、国際的な名声も高かったが、出版社からの支払いなども悪かったようで、保険会社に勤めるなど一時は不本意な仕事に就かざるを得なかった。口ンドンでの生活についてエイブラハムズ氏は言う。

ラ・グーマ写真

エイブラハムズ氏 アレックスは経済的にはあまりうまく行ってはいませんでしたね。あの人の家庭は経済的にはいつもぎりぎりで、やっと何とかやっていけるというところでした。家に食べ物が何もない日が何日もありました。子供たちも小さかったし、 ロンドンではどこで食べものを手に入れたらいいのか本当に途方に暮れてしまいました、と奥さんから聞いたことがあります・・・・・・・。

ブランシ写真

ANCの指示に従って、単身、国を離れたエイブラハムズ氏も「カナダに来て2、3年は南アフリカが恋しくて恋しくて、とても寂しい思いをしましたよ」と言っていたが、家族を伴っての亡命であったにしろ、自分の国を、その人々を誰よりも愛したラ・グーマには、国を離れざるを得なかったこと自体がやはりやりきれなかったのであろう。一方では、精力的に創作活動や解放闘争を展開しながらも、もう一方では、側目が気遣うほど酒と煙草が過ぎたらしく、当然体調もよくなかったという。あるとき、いつものように深酒をした翌日、飛行機である会合に出かけた際、昨晩一緒に酔いつぶれたエルシィ・ナイティスという、当時「セチャバ」の編集長をしていた南アフリカ人が、機上で心臓麻痺を起こし死んでしまったことがあった。未だ20代の若さの青年の死はラ・グーマには相当こたえたようで、そんなこともキューバ行きを決意した原因のひとつらしい。そのあたりの事情に触れながらエイブラハムズ氏は語る。

セスル写真家族

エイブラハムズ氏 不運にもこのときANCはラ・グーマに経済援助をしてやれませんでした・・・・・・・それもラ・グーマがキューバに行った理由のひとつですよ、というのはANCはその方がラ・グーマにはいいだろうし、キューバでなら十分な暮らしも出来るだろうと考えたからです。キューバ政府は実際、住宅や食べものの資金援助をしてくれました。

-キューバ政府が、ですか。

エイブラハムズ氏 そうです、キューバ政府はANCを南アフリカ人の合法的な代表だとみています。ですから、南アフリカ代表を外交官として処遇してくれるのです。

-キューバ在住のですか。

エイブラハムズ氏 そうです、キューバ在住の、です。政府はラ・グーマを外交官居留地内の住宅に住まわせてくれました。住まいは無料で、特定の商店などから食料が買えるクーポン券や車などを与えてくれました。それがはじめてのケースだったのですが、78年から85年までのことです。

キューバではANCカリブ主代表として、ジャマイカやトリニダードなどを訪れたり相変わらず多忙な日々を送った。この間、エイブラハムズ氏は『アレックス・ラ・グーマ』の執筆にむけて、当地を2度訪問している。

当時アジア・アフリカ作家会議の議長を務めていたラ・グーマが日本アジア・アフリカ作家会議主催のアジア・アフリカ・ラテンアメリカ(AALA)文化会議に出席するため川崎市を訪れたのもこの頃である。

ラ・グーマ川崎

85年10月には、エイブラハムズ氏の大学で開催される会議にラ・グーマが出席し、併せてカナダ旅行もする予定で、エイブラハムズ氏は切符の手配や発表論文などすべての準備をすでに終えていた。それだけに、ラ・グーマの突然の訃報にはことのほか強いショックを受けたようで「まさかそんなことになるとは誰も夢にも思っていませんでしたから、本当に驚きました。南アフリカの人々にとって、酒は何もためにならんですよ」とエイブラハムズ氏はわびしそうにつぶやいた。

キューバでは盛大な葬式が取り行なわれ、カスト口の弟が代表弔詞を述べたり、ANC事務総長なども当日出席したという。

この10月には、ラ・グーマの3回忌法要が行なわれ、長男ユージーンが出席しているはずである。ユージーンはソ連の女性と結婚して二児があり、現在モスクワに住んでいる。

次男バーソロミューは、東ドイツですでに写真の勉強を終え、現在ザンビアの首都ルサカにあるANC本部の映画班(“The ANC film unit”)で働いている。

尚、ラ・グーマの死後、ブランシ夫人は再びロンドンに戻って生活している。

ブランシ写真

わが子を見つめる父親のように

エイブラハムズ氏は、このようにおおざっぱにラ・グーマの生活を概観したあと、著書『アレックス・ラ・グーマ』でも強調したように、ラ・グーマがどれほど南アフリカの人々を思い、その人たちのために書き続けたかを、やはり語り始めた。

エイブラハムズ氏 そう。アレックス は、事実「カラード」社会の人々の物語を語る自分自身を確立することに努めました、というのは、その人たちが無視され、ないがしろにされ続けて来たと感じていたからです。

6区写真

ラ・グーマはまた、自分たちが何らかの価値を備え、断じてつまらない存在ではないこと、そして自分たちには世の中で役に立つ何かがあるのだという自信や誇りを持たせることが出来たらとも望んでいました。だから、あの人の物語をみれば、その物語はとても愛情に溢れているのに気づくでしょう。つまり、人はそれぞれに自分の問題を抱えてはいても、あの人はいつも誰に対しても暖かいということなんですが、腹を立て「仕方がないな、この子供たちは・・・・・・」と言いながらもなお暖かい目で子供たちをみつめる父親のように、その人たちを理解しているのです。それらの本を読めば、あの人が、記録を収集する歴史家として、また、何をすべきかを人に教える教師として自分自身をみなしているなと感じるはずです。それから、もちろん、アレックスはとても楽観的な人で、時には逮捕、拘留され、自宅拘禁される目に遭っても、いつも大変楽観的な態度を持ち続けましたよ。あの人は絶えずものごとのいい面をみていました。いつも山の向う側をみつめていました。だから、たとえ人々がよくないことをしても、楽観的な見方で人が許せたのです・・・・・・・。

6区写真2

「カラード」人口の特に多いケープ社会では、見た目には白人と区別のつかない人間もいて、アメリカ社会でもそうであったように、「白人」になろうとする「パーシィング(パッシング)」(“passing”)の問題も当然見られたが、「自らの人間的尊厳を忘れるな、あるがままの自分に誇りを持て」と言い続けた。

人々とともに

人々のために書き、人々とともに生涯闘い続けたという点では、アメリカの黒人作家ライトやボールドウィンとは趣きが少し違う。エイブラハムズ氏はその二人を引き合いに出して言う。

エイブラハムズ氏 リチャード・ライトはパリに行き、それからアメリカでの自分の人生について本を書きました。すべてが怒りや苦渋から生まれています。ライトは決してアメリカに戻りたがりませんでした。合衆国の黒人の置かれた状態に非常に腹を立てていたからです、そうでしょう。ある意味では、ジェイムズ・ボールドウィンもライトと同じで、過去に起こったことに大層な憤りを感じていました。しかし、アレックス・ラ・グーマの場合は違います。アレックス・ラ・グーマが救われたのは、あの人が人々とともに政治運動や解放闘争の真只中にいたからです。解放運動のために働きながらも、同時に作家である場合には、闘争理念の中にこの闘いを勝ちとるのだという強い信念が存在し、その信念を絶えず保ち続ける必要のあることを充分承知しています。その場合には、自分たちが今やっていることを書き、その運動が正しいということを書けばいいわけです。そして、一緒に協力してやって行けば、必ずいつか勝利を得るのです。しかし、もし協力してやらなかったり、政治運動をしなかったり、やったとしても孤立して個人的にやるなら、終始腹を立てる可能性がより強くなってしまう。というのは、どこにも逃げ場所がなくなるし、よりかかれる社会がなくなってしまうからですよ。アレックス・ラ・グーマには、ただ創作活動だけではなく、現実的で、政治的な仕事があったから、信念を保ち続けることができたのですよ。

ライト写真

ラ・グーマはすばらしい芸術家でもあつた

エイブラハムズ氏は更に続ける。

エイブラハムズ氏 ラ・グーマはいつでもすぐに心を切リ換えることが出来ました。多くの作家は、自分が作家でしかなく、自分を世間から切リ離して考えるようになるから、なかなかそれが出来ません。そして、結果的には問題が頭の内側に残り、やがては感情の中に沈澱して自らを破滅へと追い込んでいく。もし、地域社会や世間の中に深く係わっていれば、他の人間にも精力を注ぐ必要があるから、時間的にも、自分に腹を立ててばかりいるわけにはいかなくなる。今思えば、これがラ・グーマにとってはよかったのだと思います。ラ・グーマは作家になる前に、まず政治に巻きこまれました、それがよかったのです。もし、まず作家になり、次いで政治に関係していたとすれば、きっと問題があったでしょう。それから、あの人はいともたやすく、文学技法を駆使してものを書くことが出来たのです。それは、ラ・グーマに才能が、ものを書く才能があったからですし、たとえ政治的に係わっていても、人に教義や信条を説いたりしないやり方で、物語を語ることが出来たからです。ラ・グーマはただ物語を語っただけなのです・・・・・・・そして、物語を読めばわかりますが、決してどう考えるべきかを語ってはいません。あの人は物語を読者に委ね、どうすべきかを読者に決めさせるのです。断じて、これが愛だとか、これが人生だなどとは言いません。ラ・グーマは「ここにひとつの物語があるから、あとはあなたの方でうまくやって下さい」というのです,例えば、短篇「コーヒーと旅」をみても、カフェで婦人の怒りが爆発したとき、そんなにもひどい扱いを受けたからその婦人の怒りが爆発しているのだとラ・グーマはいいませんでした。その状況が、非人間的で、扱いが人間の尊巌を傷つけるやり方だったからその婦人の怒りは爆発したのだというだけです。しかし、うたい文句など一切与えられず、ただひとつの物語が与えられているだけなのに、もし私があなたと同じ立場にいたなら、きっと全く同じやり方で行動したでしょう、と読者は考えるようになるのです・・・・・・・詩であれ、小説であれ、たくさんの南アフリカのものを読めば、まともな形のスローガンや直接的なうたい文句がたくさんあるのがわかります。それらを読んだら、きっと、物語としてというより、政治のビラとしてならいいんだが、と言うに決まっています。ラ・グーマは、決してそうはしませんでした。あれはあの人の物語なのです・・・・・・非常に乾いた政治的な立場に立ち、その立場を生きたものにしているのはラ・グーマの芸術的な才能です。現に南アフリ力に住んでいなくても、例えば「レモン果樹園」とか「コーヒーと旅」とか『夜の彷徨』とか『まして束ねし縄なれば』のような作品を読めば、読み終えたときには、読者ははっきりと南アフリカの姿を目に浮かべることができるのです・・・・・・。

写真『まして束ねし縄なれば』

解放の日にそなえて

夜遅くなった。エイブラハムズ氏は、明日は休暇明けの月曜日をむかえるのに、遥か日本からの訪問者に、自身の長旅の疲れもほとんど見せずラ・グーマを熱っぽく語った。やがて、私は少し興奮気味の床に就いた。隣の部屋でアレックス君が泣いている・・・・・・夢の中でその泣き声を聞きながら、朝の光の中で目を醒ました。起きてみるとカナダの朝はもう秋だった。日本に居ればまだ泳いでいる頃なのに、と考えながらセーターを着けた。

エイブラハムズ氏は、6月までケベックのビショップ大学に居たが、この7月からセイント・キャサリンズにあるブロック大学に移っている。学部長として、学校管理の仕事をやり始めたという。「私の国が解放されたとき、私の今までやってきたことを役立てたいんですよ」と大学へ行く車の中で話してくれた。一万人の学生、三百人の教授陣を抱える人間学科の学部長としての毎日は、相当きついらしい。休暇明けの机の上には手紙の束がどっさり置かれてあった。「前のところは週2日でよかったから、研究の時間も充分にあったんですがね、でも、これは新しい挑戦なんです。国の外で闘っているANCの会員は、南アフリカが自由になったときのために、それぞれ頑張っているんですよ」とも言った。

かつて国民の熱狂的な支持を受けて独立を果たしたガーナの首相クワメ・エンクルマは、独立後10年もたたないうちに結局挫折してしまった。国を支えていく<ひと>が育っていなかったからである。独立を果たした他のアフリカ諸国も同じ課題を抱えて苦しんでいる。そんな同じ轍を踏まないように、この人たちは自分たちの手で国を動かす日にそなえてそれぞれの立場で<いま>を闘っているのだ。

エンクルマ写真

「私は南アフリカ作家の歴史を書いておかないと、と思っているんです。また、解放の日が来たときに、その人たちすべての資料を人々が利用し、若い人たちにその作家たちの作品が読めるように準備しておかなければ、とも考えているんです。国の外で闘い、たくさんのことを成し遂げてきた作家たちのものが、行きさえすれば必ず手に入るように。というのも、若い人たちはその作家たちを見たことも聞いたこともないからです。ある意味では、私たちは南アフリカのための、ひいては世界のための仕事をしようとしているのです」と言ったあと「現在、資料センターを作るためにカナダ政府に交渉中で、解放の日には南アフリカにそっくり移すつもりです」と付け加えた。

若い世代

昨夜はラ・グーマを偲んでのしんみりとした話になってしまったが、今日は「南アフリカのカレーをつくってあげますよ」と料理をつくりながらの、台所での話となった。私自身、料理をすることもあるから何ら違和感は感じなかったのだが、それでも「南アフリカでは男の人も料埋をやるんですか」ときいてみたくなった。答えは「いや、男は料理しませんよ。だいたい穢ない仕事はみんな女性がやってきました」だった。「では、若い世代はどうですか」ときいてみたら、次のような答えが返ってきた。

エイブラハムズ氏 若い世代は変わると思います。あの子たちはたいへん違っていますよ。男とか女とかではなく、人間としてお互いを尊敬し合っています。だから、あの子たちが完全な変革をもたらすんだと私は考えているんです。南アフリカで現在起こっている事態はきわめて実践的で、若い人たちは自分たちの両親のやってきたことをしようとはしません。あの子たちは姿勢が全く違いますよ。南アフリカにはとてもいいことだと思うんです。ですから、ANCには、政府を変える前に人間性をまず変えろ、といつも言ってるんですよ。言い換えれば、ANCのトップに女性の数が充分でないと感じているということなんです。ANCのために働いている女性がこんなにたくさんいるのに、女性は高い地位に就いていない。だから、女性をもっと正当に扱え、といつも言っているのです。ANCの大半は、もちろん黒人で、ズールーやコサなどいろんな共同体から来ています。私たちの伝統の中では、男は自己中心的に育てられてきました。今まで男が女性と権力を分かち合うことなど決してなかった。男が常に主人で、すべての穢ない仕事は女性がしなければならなかった。そんな風に、ANCの多くの男たち、特にオリバー・タンボやネルソン・マンデラのような古い世代の人たちは、専ら愛国主義中心の考え方の中で育てられた。あの人たちが、革命は単に政治ばかりではないということを理解するにはしばらく時間がかかると思います。それは人の生き方でもあり、あなたが日々行なうことでもあり、子供や妻を扱うやり方でもあるのです。つまり、人の生き方なのですよ・・・・・・私はANCの会員ですが、来るべき政府にだけ関心があるのではありません。それが一番重要だというのではないのです。大切なのは、私たちが新しい社会を、新しい生活のやり方をつくり上げることなのです。お互いが尊敬し合い、お互いがいたわり合い、感性を大切にする、そしておまえは男だ、あいつは女だ、などと言わずに,相手を理解する、そんな社会なのです。私にはそれが重要だと思えてならないのです。

ラ・グーマは若い人たちのために歴史を記録するのだと言って作品を書き、エイブラハムズ氏は若い人たちにそんな作家の資料を残す準備をしているという。

エイブラハムズ氏は、若い世代について更に続けて語る。

エイブラハムズ氏 今の若い人たちは酒を飲みません、人々が闘い方を知らないのは酒のせいだと言うんです。だから、あの子たちは酒を飲むのを嫌います。デモをやるときは、まずシビーン(もぐり居酒屋)に行って、酒を投げ棄て、そこに居る人たちを叩き出してしまいます。襲うのは政府ばかりではなく、自分たちの同胞もやるんです。あんなものは健康によくないんだ、とあの子たちは言います。人々は給料をもらったらまっすぐシビーンに行き、家には帰らない。帰る頃には妻や子供のための、ミルクやパンや着物や本の金がすっかりなくなってしまっている。亡命しているたくさんの南アフリカ人は、多くは政治的な理由でイギリスに行ってますが、あの人たちは集まっては酒を飲む。かつてイギリスに行ったとき、この人たちは何て飲むんだ、と驚いたのを覚えています・・・・・・。

1976年ソウェト

ソエト写真

-若い人たちには希望がありますね。

エイブラハムズ氏 そうですよ、そしてあの子たちは酒を飲みたがりません。

-1976年の世代ですか。

エイブラハムズ氏 ソウェト、ですよ。1976年以来、若い人たちは非常に戦闘的になっています。そして酒も煙草もやろうとしない。あの子たちは本当に真剣ですよ・・・・・・。

ソウェト、の世代である。映画「アモク!」にも登場したあの競技場の高校生たちである。かつて古い世代は話し合いを提唱し続けたが、若い人たちはそれを拒む。エイブラハムズ氏はそんな若い人たちを分析する。

アモク写真

エイブラハムズ氏 若い世代は「嫌だ、話し合いなんてもううんざりだ。もし国を変革できないなら、それと闘うまでだ」という。しかし不幸なことに、数が多くない。同じ考えを共有できる人々が充分にいないのです。古い世代はほとんど自分自身の生活に窮々していたから、すすんで死んだり、刑務所に行ったりはしなかった。1976年以降の若い世代は全く違う。あの子たちは銃弾を恐れない。話し合いに多くの時間を費やさない。心の中で何を望んでいるのかを知っている。即自由を! 即平等を!が望みなんです。もう次の世代を待てないのです。今、それを望んでいます。若い人たちは、私たちが望めもしなかったことをやろうとしている、と私が信じるのはこういうわけからなのです。ビュークス(『季節終わりの霧の中で』の主人公)のように、私たちは平和的なデモを信じ、いつもビラを手にして街頭に立った。撲られ、刑務所に入れられても何もしなかった。私たちはただビラを配ったんです。それだけじゃあない、警官に殴られ、拷問され続けた・・・・・・・・今日の世代は政府の変革など信じてはいない。あの子たちは生活の改革を信じているのです。南アフリカは、物質的なものごとばかりにこだわらないで、生き方についての思考形態を改めながら精神的な生活に重点を置くべきだと、若い人たちは信じているのです。

「ィアッフリカッ!」 「ァマンドゥラッ!」

セスル写真

南アフリカのカレーは、おいしかった。もうすぐ12歳になる長女レイチェル(Rachel)が焼いてくれたローティ(“roti”)に包んで手づかみで、食べた。おいしかった。

セスルカレー

タ食後、最近来日した南アフリカ人歌手アブドゥラ・イブラヒィムの「古井戸の水」(WATER FROM AN ANCIENT WELL)というポップス調のレコードをかけてくれた。

そのうち、エイブラハムズ氏はレイチェルを誘って踊り出した。堂に入っている。私は見る人、撮る人を決め込んでシャッターをきり続けた。解放のうた「コシ・シケレリ・アフリカ」が流れ出すと、拳を突き上げながら「ィアッフリカッ!ィアッフリカッ!」を連発した。踊りながらレイチェルが声をあげて喜んでいる。座っているローズマリーも笑っている。「ァマンドゥラッ!」「ィアッフリカッ!」「ァマンドゥラッ!」「ィアッフリカッ!」・・・・・・。

レイチェル写真

冷静で、普段あまり笑顔を見せないエイブラハムズ氏が高揚している・・・・・・。

3日間一緒に生活をして、いろいろなことを聞き、いろいろなものを見たが、何にもましてうれしかったのは、全く違った国の、全く違った文化背景の中で育った人間同士が、基本的なところで共有し合える、理解し合える、と感じられたことだ。しかも、南アフリカの人々を現に苦しめている国の一つ日本から来た人間にむかって、人間として尊重しあいましょう、とあの人は言った。

別れ際に「今度は、いつの日か、あなたの家族と私の家族が南アフリカで会いましょう」と語ったが、私の方は、喉をつまらせながら言葉にならぬ言葉を発するばかりであった。

ANCの国際連帯会議が12月3日タンザニアのアルーシャで開幕、と報じられた。ANCを支援する海外の政治団体や労組、宗教組織などとの連帯会議で、この種の会議では最大規模の国際会議であるという。

エイブラハムズ氏の語る若い世代の話や、ゴバン・ムベキ氏の釈放やこの国際会議の知らせなどは、南アフリカの事態が解放にむけて着実に動いていることを私たちに教えてくれる。

現実はなお厳しいものの、ANCやUDF、それに「ソウェト」を体験した若ものたちによって、ラ・グーマが終生願い続けた統合民主国家南アフリカが誕生する日もそう遠くない。そのときは、エイブラハムズ氏の家族と私たちの家族が南アフリカで、このカナダでのありし日を笑いながら語り合えるだろう。

いただいた数々の資料の中にエイブラハムズ氏自身の詩が2篇ある。2篇とも「ソウェト」の詩である。「本当は、自分でも詩や小説を書きたいのですが、当分はラ・グーマの資料の整理を、一段落したら今度はデニス・ブルータスの・・・・・・」と語っていたエイブラハムズ氏が、「ソウェト」の悲しい知らせを聞いて、祖国のいたいけな子供たちを悼んでよんだものである。その一篇を紹介して、私からのメッセージの終わりとしたい。

Poems for the Soweto Martyr

I saw that picture

in a newspaper 12,000 miles away

my people’s blood

flowing again at

the hands of hate

A courageous boy

he was

barely eight years old

defying the inevitable terrifying

bullets of death

He was first to go

though last to begin

His only crime was

to protest the crime of hate

Where does one

so far removed from

the heinous scene of crime

hide or defy or identify

How does one tell

one’s worldy neighbour

who has never felt

the heavy brutal hand

of the terror

the pain

the frustration

that lurks deep

down in the revolutionary heart?

Cecil Abrahams

ソウェト殉教者たちに寄せる詩

わたくしは一枚の写真を見た

一万二千マイル離れた国の、 ひとつの

新聞に

わたくしの同胞の血が

その憎しみの手に

ふたたび流れ落ちるのを

ひとりの勇敢な少年が

その少年は

わずか八歳でしかなかったが

避けようのない、見るからに恐ろしい

死の銃弾にむかった

少年はまっ先に死んでいった

一番あとから行動を始めたのに

少年の罪は

憎しみにただ抗議しただけであった

どこで確かめればよいのか

おぞましい地獄絵から

そんなにも遠く離れて

どのように語ればよいのか

恐怖の

重い残忍な手を

決して感じたことのない

隣人たちに

革命の心に深く沈む

この苦しみ

この憤りを

セスゥル・エイブラハムズ

執筆年

1987年

収録・公開

「ゴンドワナ」10号 10-23ペイジ

ダウンロード

アレックス・ラ・グーマの伝記家セスゥル・エイブラハムズ
(英語版:未出版)

1976~89年の執筆物

概要

高校を辞め、大学を探し始めて4年目、私立の短大とか大学とか話はあるものの決まらず、結局大阪工業大学の嘱託講師(見かけは常勤、実際は非常勤)と他の非常勤をかけもちし、週に16コマの授業を持っていた頃です。

修士論文で取り上げた作品の中でも、ライトの出世作『ネイティヴ・サン』(Native Son, 1940)を、特に擬声語を手がかりに、テーマに表現をからめて考えてみました。「Richard Wright, “The Man Who Lived Underground” の擬声語表現」(1984)を書いた時に、他の作品でもテーマにからむ重要な場面で擬声語の表現が意図的に用いられていると予測し、『ネイティヴ・サン』や『ブラック・ボーイ』(1945)のような主要な作品で同じように書けないかと考えるようになっていました。

『ネイティヴ・サン』を最初に読んだ時は、その展開の早さや勢いを感じながら、2日か3日で一気に読んだ記憶があります。その印象は、やっぱり使われている言葉遣いとも密接に関係があったのだと、この小論を書きながら思いました。英語を母国語としている人たちが、この文章で分析しようとしているように感じて、意識的に擬声語を用いたのかどうか自信はありませんが、今までにない視点だと思います。

『ネイティヴ・サン』

1981年と86年にシカゴに行きましたが、この小説の舞台になったサウス・サイドには行きませんでした。81年は初めてのアメリカ行きで余裕がなかったうえ、ミシガン通りでパレードを眺め、この小説の初版本を手に入れようと古本屋をまわるだけで精一杯でした。86年は、シアーズタワーに登り、前年にミシシッピ大学であったシンポジウムでの発表者シカゴ大学のSterling Plumpp さんに会うだけで終わってしまいました。英語もあまり聞けないのに、電話をかけて自宅のマンションに会いに行きました。

日本語版は→「Native Sonの冒頭部の表現における象徴と隠喩」「言語表現研究」第4号29-45頁(1986)。

This paper aims to give an estimation of some symbolical and metaphorical expressions in the opening scene in Native Son (1940) by Richard Wright (1908-1960).

He chose the rat’s scene to open the story because he wanted to lay down some impressive event that would sound and resound in varied form throughout its length.

The story begins in a little room in Chicago’s South Side where the hero and his family live together. Wright succeeds in giving us symbolical and metaphorical meaning by making the best use of the hero, the rat, and the little room, focusing on noisiness. filthiness, and closeness.

In this paper efforts are made to show hove ~’4’right succeeds in making each of them play their part in the schemed opening scene, by making the skillful use of symbolical and metaphorical expressions.

本文

  1. The opening scene

Quite a few readers were shocked when they read through Native Son (1940) by Richard Wright (1908-1960). We can imagine how great its impact was even from the fact that the book was taken away from the shelves in public libraries. It was not simply because the book presented a vital problem to society’s racial crisis, but because the book was supported by its devised plot, schemes and expressions.Richard Wright(小島けい画)

  He seems to have been at great pains to think of its opening scene when he sat down to type. The next passage tells us vividly of the difficulty :

…, when I sat down to the typewriter, I could not work ; I could not think of a good opening scene for the book. I had definitely in mind the kind of emotion I wanted to evoke in the reader in that first scene, but I could not think of the type of concrete event that would convey the motif of the entire scheme of the book, that would convey the motif of the note that was to be resounded throughout its length, that would introduce to the reader just what kind of an organism Bigger’s was and the environment that was bearing hourly upon it. Twenty or thirty times I tried and failed ; then…(1)

The text shows us his desire of setting the event in the opening scene that would sound and resound in varied form throughout its length. After many trials and errors, he finally chose the scene in which Bigger Thomas kills a rat. We see how worried he was about this “rat" by reading this section of his essay :

I went back to worry about the beginning…, one night, in desperation…I sneaked out and got a bottle. With the help of it, I began to remember before. One of them was that Chicago was overrun with rats. I recalled that I’d seen many rats on the streets, that I’d heard and read of Negro children being bitten by rats in their beds. At first I rejected the idea of Bigger battling a rat in his room ; I was afraid that the rat would “hog" the scene. But the rat would not leave me; he presented himself in many attractive guises. So. cautioning myself to allow the rat scene to disclose only Bigger, his family, their little room, and their relationships, I let the rat walk in, and he did his stuff.(2) (Emphases mine.)

It could be said that he wished to allow the opening scene to disclose the hero, his family and their relationships by making impressive use of the rat and their room where they spent their daily lives.

Now let us see how symbolically and metaphorically he devised the opening scene in this work, with emphasis on some of the key words.

II . i ) “their little room" The story begins in a tiny room in the South Side of Chicago. Wright chose the room as a familiar scene to the inhabitants of the South Side, not as a special one. The passage we now quote from 12 Million Black Voices (1941) reveals the background and the conditions of the district at the time :

12 Million Black Voices

When the white folks move, the Bosses of the Buildings let the property to us at rentals higher than those the whites paid.

And the Bosses of the Buildings take these old houses and convert them into "kitchenettes", and then rent them to us at rates so high that they make fabulous fortunes before the houses are too old for habitation…They take, say; a seven-room apartment, which rents for $50 a month to whites, and cut it up into seven small apartments, of one room each ; they install one small gas stove and one small sink in each room…because there are not enough houses for us to live in,…we rent these kitchenettes and are glad to get them,…Sometimes five or six of us live in a one-room kitchenette,…(3)

The room, in which on one bed sat three naked children looking at the other bed on which lay a man and a woman, both naked and black, and which the fugitive Bigger saw from the roof through a window and turned away, thinking it was a disgusting familiar sight, the unventilated and rat-infested one-room his lawyer Max questioned about to Mr. Dalton, the owner of the building who had exacted an exhorbitant rent from the Thomas family, and “their little room" are nothing but the “kitchenette" just quoted.

“their little room" – "kitchenettes"

  On this “little room" some images are thrown, focusing especially on (1) noisiness, (2) filthiness, and (3) closeness. Now we will begin to attempt some analysis of the scene, laying emphasis on these three points.

(1) “noisiness"……In order to appeal to our ears directly, Wright uses many onomatopoeic words in this scene. Although Wright often made good use of such words in his other works, the reader is always surprised at the beginning of the story, Brrrrrrriiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiinng! Here is the opening scene :

Brrrrrrriiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiinng!

An alarm clack clanged in the dark and silent room. A bed spring creaked. A woman’s voice sang out patiently

'Bigger, shut that thing off?’

A surly grunt sounded above the tinny ring of metal. Naked feet swished dryly across the planks in the wooden floor and the clang ceased abruptly.

'Turn on the light, Bigger.’

'Awright,’ came a sleepy mumble.(4)

The second line tells us that the unfamiliar word is the sound of an alarm clock. Both the verb “clang," imitative of that sound, and the noun “clang" in the sixth line hint that the metallic sound resonates loudly in the little room.(5) The spelling of Brrrrrrriiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiinng! makes us feel something extraordinary. It reminds us of the following scene in The Long Dream, where he uses the same pattern. In this scene the six-year-old protagonist is asked to look after his father’s funeral parlor at midnight and begins to feel worried when he discovers the mischief he has done with his friends to a white lady passing by frightens himself as well :

They entered the office and stood in the dark.

Brriiiinnnnnnnnnnng!

The phone’s metallic ringing shattered the dark and the boy’s muscles grew stiff. They could hear one another’s breathing.

Brrriiiiiinnnnnnnnnnnnnng.

“Oh Lawd. I got to answer." Fishbelly whispered stickily….

Brriiiiiiiinnnnnnnng.~ Brrriiiiiiiiiiiinnnng.“(6)

We find that Wright spells thus to imitate the sound of the phone, but also notice that the words are spelled differently from the sound of the clock. He uses more “n"s, particularly suitable for expressing grumbling reverberation.(7) He must have given weight to a lingering echo of the sound. It is no wonder that the bell rings furiously with a lingering echo as it is midnight and in the wide concrete basement of the undertaking establishment. But also, we can not miss his elaborate contrivance for each spelling of the bell. The contrived expressions bring forth the sensitive feelings of a boy in the South who can never forget the uncertainties contained in cz-ord~ such as “a white woman" and “the lynching."(8)

If we can say he emphasizes a lingering echo by the expressions of the bell, it might be also said he emphasizes clamorousness and restlessness by those of the clock. “Brrrrrrriiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiinng!" includes the vowel “i" to symbolize swiftness and abrupt-ness,(9) while the two “clang"s of the clock characterize loudness. Taking into consideration the restless development of the story which moves swiftly with two murders, a flight scene, and an arrest, this noisy sound of the clock, which symbolizes clamorousness and restlessness, is to be the fittest bell tolling at the opening of this story. With this in mind, the next comment is to the point : Brrrrrrriiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiinng! is the shrieking sound of the clock in the first line which is the signal bell of the opening. This grating metallic sound rings in succession throughout the length of the story. Every incident of the story moves swiftly together with the clamorous sound of this alarm clock.(10)

The sound of the clock plays the leading part, while various other sounds fill the supporting roles of the opening scene. Strictly speaking, it is the clock, the bed spring, Bigger’s feet and the floor, his mother, and Bigger that virtually give forth sounds or voices. Apart from the clock sound and their conversations, the sentences can be put in the simplified Subject+Verb form : clock+clang./spring+creak/voice+sing/grunt+sound/feet+swish/clang+cease/mumble+come. (The underlined parts are onomatopoeic words.) “Brrrrrrriiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiinng!" is the sound itself. Its movement is expressed by the verb “clang" and the sound by both “the tinny ring of metal" and “the clang." A woman’s voice is “Bigger, shut that thing off!" which is expressed by “A surly grunt." “Awright" in the last line is nothing but “a sleepy mumble." Now we see that the sentences which include the clock sound and their conversations in the first 9 lines are sounds or voices themselves or expressions connected with the sound. It is remarkable that six out of seven sentences include echo words (clang, creak, grunt, swish, clang, mumble), which are the imitative words of natural sounds and signified as [Imitative. in O. E. D. In this case we can not forget that they are all grating and noisy sounds to the ear.

The first loud sound “clang" and the grating sound “creak" bring out the word “impatiently" expressive of the mother’s irritation and the words “A surly grunt" expressive of her complaint. It follows that Bigger’s pace quickened by the loud sound, the grating sound, and her irritation produced the fricative word “swish" which includes the vowel [i] to symbolize swiftness and abruptness. In that situation the word “mumble" is effective enough to express his dissatisfaction with his mother who urges him to “shut the clock" when he is heavy with sleep. The word “mumble" including two nasal [m] and a voiced plosive [b] (11) is just the word to express the dissatisfaction the boy feels as he rubs his drowsy eyes in the silent room after the clamorous clock has been stopped.

However, there is a shade of difference in meaning between “grunt" and “mumble," although they both express complaint. The nasals are fit for the muffled sound of “mumble" with a lingering echo, while the ending plosive [t] expresses well the passing sound of “grunt" drowned by the clamorous metallic ringing sound in the tiny room.(12)

Furthermore, the effect of the clamorousness of the clock sound is heightened by the striking contrast between the short vowel [i] of the sharp “swish" and the “super" long vowel of the clock expressed by 19 “i"s.

Now we also find the effective use of both “creak" of the bed spring and “swish" between the feet and the floor, for they are suggestive of bad household equipment. The bed on which Bigger is sleeping is cheap, hard, and made of iron, not gorgeous or soft. The rusty spring may have creaked. The floor Bigger walks across is not a soft thick-carpeted one, but the hard “planks" horribly stained and smelled. It can surely be said that in order to show us the bad conditions of the room, Wright designedly sets the scene where the bed spring creaks and the boy swishes across the floor. Later in the text, we learn about the same poor household equipment when to his friends Bigger voices his dissatisfaction with his white landlord who is reluctant to have the “radiators" repaired. His following complaint for “a small stove" is too heart-breaking to us readers when we consider the fact that in Chicago some were frozen to death in the severe winters.

'Kinda warm today.’

'Yeah’, Gus said.

'You get more heat from this sun than from them old radiators at home.’

'Yeah, them old white landlords sure don’t give much heat.’

'And they always knocking at your door for money.’

'I’ll be glad when summer comes.’

'Me too,’ Bigger said. (13-14)

In part two “FLIGHT," we come across a scene where Bigger remembers the time when the police has driven his family out of the flat. The building collapses two days after they move out. Once again we seem to hear these “creak"ing and “swish"ing sounds.

Now let us go on to the next scene. The boy switches on the light. In the room their brief conversation is heard for a while. Suddenly, a complete change in their mood is caused by “a light tapping" slightly audible to their ears. It is “the rat." “He" is to leave the “scene" after being killed by the skillet Bigger throws and is put into a garbage can by Bigger’s own hand. The following is the text of that scene :

…Abruptly, they all paused,…, their attention caught by a light tapping…. Bigger looked round the room,…and grabbed two heavy iron skillets…Buddy ran to a wooden box and shoved it quickly in front of a gaping hole…A huge black rat squealed and leaped at Bigger’s trouser-leg…Bigger held his skillet ;…The rat squeaked…Bigger swung the skillet ; it clattered to a stop against a wall… The rat…let out a furious screak… The rat…bared long yellow fangs, piping shrilly,…Bigger…let the skillet fly with a heavy grunt… “I got 'im," he muttered,…(4-6, emphases mine.)

In contrast to the clamorous scene of the clock, the rat’s scene begins calmly with a light sound expressed by an imitative word “tap." In the scene we can find six onomatopoeic words other than in their conversations ; “squeal," “squeak," “streak," and “pipe" of the rat and “clatter" and “grunt" of the skillet. (Of these “squeal," “squeak." and “grunt" are given the sign of [Imitative.] by O. E. D.) Even if “shrilly" is not inserted after “piping," “pipe," as well as “squeal," “squeak," and “streak" carries an implication of “shrill" (=piercing & high-pitched in sound), which is usually uttered in the state of fear or pain. In [ski : l] , [ski : k] and [skri : k] we find the same sounds in common – [sk] (a voiceless fricative [s] plus a voiceless plosive [k] ) and [i : ] (a long vowel [i : ] ). The former is imitative of the hoarse voice the rat strains in a frenzy of flight when he recognizes that the way of retreat is completely blocked. The latter is suggestive of the sharpness and high-pitchedness of the sound. And two liquids [r] and [1] express well the changing motion of the rat ; “squeal" hints at the rat’s leaping at Bigger with a wild shriek after crouching ; “streak" is suggestive of the motion of the rat which is now looking around restlessly just after running around, while “squeak" is of the motionless state of the rat which holds the crouching position. Of all these words, “streak" is most worthy of our notice. We can not find it either in P. O. D. or C. O. D. In O. E. D. it is signified as “Now chiefly dial.," from which we recognize the writer’s device of expression. He must have wanted to impress on us the delicate differences of each situation or each sound of the rat dodging in flight even by making the best use of the word unfamiliar to our ears.

Next is “clatter," which is imitative of the sound of the skillet Bigger throws. It symbolizes loudness by cl-, the metallic sound produced between the skillet and the wall by the voiceless [k] , and its movement by the liquid [l].

In contrast to “clatter," “grunt," imitative of the sound of Bigger’s second pitch of the skillet, shows the disagreeable dull sound produced when the skillet hits the rat’s soft body. It symbolizes the dull sound by the voiced [g] , its movement by the liquid [r] , and the passing sound with no lingering echo by the plosive [t] . Above all, the ending [t] is effective enough to help us get a feeling of “I got 'im."

In this scene we find 12 predicate verbs after the quotations (for example, “muttered" of “`I got 'im,’ he muttered.") although most of the story is composed of dialogues. They are “wail" and “whimper" of his sister, “shout" of his brother, 5 “scream"s of Mother, and “call," “whisper," “ask," and “mutter" of Bigger. Of those, “scream" is very similar both in meaning and in pronunciation to the previous [ski : l], and [skri : k]. His “wail"ing and “whimper"ing sister, “scream"ing Mother, and the “squeal"ing, “squeak"ing, and “streak"ing rat…… The word “mutter" contrasts well with them. The short complaint at the end of this scene is the fittest word to complete this bustling and noisy rat scene.

(2) “filthiness"…… The rat plays a more important role as a symbol of “filthiness" rather than “noisiness." Now let us quote from the same rat scene in a different way apart from the phonetic side :

…Abruptly, they all paused,…, their attention caught by a light tapping in the thinly plastered walls of the room…their eyes strayed apprehensively over the floor.

“There he is again, Bigger!" the woman screamed, and the tiny, one-room apartment galvanized into violent action. A chair toppled… (4, emphases mine.)

The word “tapping" is the sound slightly audible to their ears as is suggested by the signification of “tap" in O. E. D. ="strike a light but audible blow," but their reaction to that sound is surprisingly quick and “the tiny, one-room apartment galvanized into violent action." It might be pointed out here that the rat is called “he", and not “it." “He" is one of the “staff," and they are familiar with “him" for years -Mother screams ; his sister climbs onto the bed, whimpering ; the brothers pose with the skillet in hand ; their eight eyes roam after “him." To his family, however, it is nothing but a commonplace event. And “he" is extremely big. The next dialogue teaches us how huge “he" is :

The two brothers stood over the dead rat and spoke in tones of awed admiration.

'Gee, but he’s a big bastard.’

'That sonofabitch could cut your throat.’

'He’s over a foot long.’

'How in hell do they get so big?’

'Eating garbage and anything else they can get.’

'Look, Bigger, there’s a three-inch rip in your pant-leg.’ (6)

In the segregated, slummed areas too many blacks are forced to live their miserable lives together in unventilated old buildings. They naturally supply too much “food" for those rats. This is why the rats grow huge enough to hurt the inhabitants. It is not an exaggeration to say that the enormous size of the rats is equal to the poor housing conditions. Various extraordinary social phenomena are caused by these devastating conditions :

The kitchenette is the seed bed for scarlet fever, dysentery typhoid, tuberculosis, gonorrhea, syphilis, pneumonia, and mulnutrition.

The kitchenette scatters death so widely among us that our death rate exceeds out birth rate and…(13)

The devastating reality of their condition lends realism to his mother’s curse on Bigger – “We wouldn’t have to live in this garbage dump if you had any manhood in you" (7, emphsis mine.).

This rat’s scene clearly reminds us of the underground sewer scene in “The Man Who Lived Underground," the manuscript of which had been completed by the end of 1941, the year following the publication of Bigger’s story, and published after revision in 1944 :

He…jerked his head away as a whisper of scurrying life whisked past and was still. He held the match close and saw huge rat, wet with slime, blinking beady eyes and baring tiny fangs. The light blinded the rat and the frizzled head moved aimlessly. He grabbed the pole and let it fly against the rat’s soft body ; there was a shrill piping and grizzly body splashed into the dun-colored water and was snatched out of sight, spinning in the scuttling stream.(14)

The huge rat is symbolic of filthiness or a nauseating bad odor of the underground sewer world, along with the dead body of a baby floating on the sewer water. In this work Wright suggests that the world above ground might be compared to the world of the Whites, and the underground world to that of the Blacks. And he at last begins to view life from a new angle, the so-called “underground viewpoint." He then begins to regard the segregated condition of the oppressed blacks rather as the vantage point. In this scene, the rat in Native Son, prototype of the rat in the “underground" story, plays a large role.

(3) “closeness"…… The sound of the clock stops ; the light is switched on and his mother and sister begin to change their clothes :

'Turn your heads so I can dress,’ she said.

The two boys averted their eyes and gazed into far corner of the room….

A brown-skinned girl…fumbled with her stockings. The two boys kept their faces averted while their mother and sister put on enough clothes to keep them from feeling ashamed ;…Abruptly, they all paused,…, their attention caught by a light tapping… They forgot their conspiracy against shame….(3-4)

In the story, we read of a scene after Mary’s murder where Bigger sits in his room at a breakfast table. He is then blamed by his sister who thinks he is looking at her altough he is merely staring vacantly in her direction. In the tiny room even privacy is impossible. “Closeness" produces unnecessary friction among the occupants and their personalities are gradually warped :

The kitchennete throws desperate and unhappy people into an unbearable closeness of association, thereby increasing latant friction, giving birth to never-ending quarrels of recrimination, accusation, and vindictiveness, producting warped personalities.(15)

The rat’s scene relates a daily occurrence, but the emotions of “noisiness," “filthiness," and “closeness" are doubtlessly conveyed to the readers by “their little room" in which the alarm clock clings and the rat is killed.

kitchennete

ii ) “Bigger, his family," and “their relationships"

“Noisiness" irritates the mind of the occupants and “filthiness" causes various kinds of disease. “Closeness" brings out unnecessary quarrels among the families – `Day in and day out there was nothing but shouts and bickering." (11) In “their little room," Mother directs her bitter complaints against Bigger, saying “We wouldn’t have to live in this garbage dump if you had any manhood in you." (7, emphsis mine.) She earnestly begs him to have “manhood" in place of her husband who has been killed by a mob down in the South. He hates his family because he is powerless to help them though he understands their sufferings all too well. In such a life he has already decided what attitude to take :

…So he held toward them an attitude of iron reverse ; he lived with them, but behind a wall, a curtain. And toward himself he was even more exacting. He knew that the moment he allowed what his life meant to enter fully into his consciousness, he would either kill himself or someone else. So he denied himself and acted tough. (9)

The rat’s scene presents Bigger’s attitude toward his family and their relationships, especially toward his screaming mother and whimpering sister (women). His attitude contrasts in a striking way with theirs. The contrast is also suggested by the predicate verbs which show their actions. (It is also suggested by some nouns.) As I briefly mentioned earlier, in the opening scene (pp. 3-11) the frequency of each word is as follows ; “scream"-6, “sob"-3, “cry"-1 (about Mother) “whimper"-2, “wail," “cry," and “scream"-1 (about his sister). The contrast between Bigger with his forced calmness and the screaming, whimpering women is shown again in parts two and three. In part two, we find it in the scene where Bigger has killed Bessie after taking her out of her apartment (pp. 190-201). In this scene, the frequency of predicate verbs about Bessie is as follows ; “cry"- 8, “whimper," “moan," and “sigh"-5, “sob" (including “sobs")-4. “wail" and “scream"-1. And in part three, we also find it in Bigger’s cell scene where a district attorney, his family, Mr. and Mrs. Dalton, and the others are all together (pp. 251-257). As for the predicate verbs, the frequency is 7-“sob" including “sobs"), 5-“cry," 2-“wail," 1-“mumble" and “whimper" (about Mother) and 1-“sob" (about his sister who says nothing in the scene although Bigger once speaks to her.)

Contrary to the woman’s case, we notice that in Bigger’s, the predicate verb after his conversation sentence is only “shout" in the opening scene of part one and in the cell scene of part three ; the scene in PART ONE where Mother earnestly begs him to get the job offered by Mr. Dalton ; and in PART THREE where his mother pleads on her knees with Mrs. Dalton for Bigger’s life.

“Sob," “cry," “wail," “whimper," etc…, commonly used for women, play a role as key words which give readers some symbolical meaning. What Wright likes to emphasize by these key words is how hopelessly most blacks accept their misery and try to find some escape from their everyday sufferings by praying or drinking as Mother and Bessie do. Through the symbolical descriptions he shows his resentment against the present condition of black people and extends passive warnings towards such blacks. The resentment and warnings are among the main themes of this story along with his protest towards the white world which has produced such miserable conditions for the blacks. In this scene, it might be said that one of the motives for “the entire scheme of the book" is suggested by “the rat scene to disclose only Bigger, his family, their little room, and their relationships."

III. Native Son and Chicago’s South Side

Chicago, the setting of this story, was one of the Promised Lands for black people living in the South. We see this even from a song often sung down in the South ; 'Lawd, I’d ruther be a lamppost in Chicago than the President in Miss’ipp…"(16)Unfortunately, however, Chicago was not the Promised Land for many blacks who had left their native South. Naturally, Wright was no exception to that rule. In the North they were segregated in one corner of the town, the so-called black ghetto. In the ghetto they were forced to earn precarious livelihood – “Last hired, first fired." The “color" line was strictly drawn between the white world and the black one. The blacks could never cross the “line." As the slaves in the South had been exploited by the plantation owners, many blacks were severely exploited by the capitalists in the urban North. In the story we discover the relationship between the oppressor and the oppressed when the text tells us that Mr. Dalton is the owner of Bigger’s room who is falsely kind and philanthropic enough to give him a job. By borrowing the historical, economical, and social analyses of the Marxists, he was able to point out American racial dilemma and make it clear that Bigger was a native son America had produced, and that it was not on Bigger but on Mr. Dalton and white America that Bigger’s crime should have been blamed rationally. Chicago’s South Side was the best place by which he could show us the segregated and exploited situation of the blacks.

  1. Symbol and Metaphor

The Thomas family and their relationships were not extraordinary in Chicago’s South Side. Such families could easily be seen in the district. 12 Million Black Voices gives some clue to that matter. Now let us go back to his history book :

The kitchenette injects pressure and tension into our individual personalities, making many of us give up the struggle, walk off and leave wives, husbands, and even children behind to shift as best they can…

The kitchenette blights the personalities of our growing children, disorganizes them, blinds them to hope, treats problems whose effects can be traced in the characters of its child victims for years afterward.(17)

Bigger’s family is typical of the ghetto-a family of mother and children. The father has been killed in the South ; the mother manages to support her family by toiling for bread in a white family ; the family has a bad boy who is busy making trouble in one corner of the town. “Their little room" in which this typical family is living is to be an exact miniature of the South Side of Chicago.

Chicago

Along with “their little room," the rat overrunning in the South Side is a symbol of their poor living environment. The rat is to be chased down, cornered, killed, and finally thrown into a garbage can, after running around the tiny room. Bigger is to be cornered, arrested, and then executed in the electric chair, after running around the South Side. They both meet the same end, indeed. The South Side has produced the “rat" and America has produced “Bigger," a native son. And they both are to be eliminated as social diseases.

Wright often said, “The Negro is the metaphor of America." Now if we borrow his phrase, we may well say that “their little room’ is the metaphor of the South Side" and “the 'rat’ is the metaphor of 'Bigger.'"

Bigger, the rat, and “their little room." By making skillful use of their symbolical and metaphorical expressions, Wright succeeds well in letting each of them play their part in the schemed opening scene.

Note

(1) Richard Wright, “How 'Bigger’ Was Born," Saturday Review, No. 22 (June 1, 1940), rpt. in Native Son (New York : Harper & Row, 1969), p. xxix.

(2) Wright, “How 'Bigger’ Was Born," p. xxxiii.

(3) Wright, 12 Million Black Voices: A Folk History of the Negro in the United States (New York : The Viking Press, 1941), pp. 104-105.

(4) Wright, Native Son (New York : Harper & Brothers, 1940), p. 3 ; all subsequent page references to this work will appear in parentheses in this paper.

(5) In O. E. D. we can find clang signified as “1. A loud resonant ringing sound ; …"

(6) Wright, The Long Dream (1958 ; rpt. Chatham : The Chatham Bookseller, 1969), p. 54.

(7) Cf, INUI Ryoichi, “Giseigo Zakki" (“Miscellaneous Notes on Onomatopoeia"), in Ichikawa Hakase Kanreki Shukuga Ronshu (A Collection of Papers in Celebration of the 60th Birthday of Dr. Sanki Ichikawa), 2nd ser. (Tokyo : Kenkyusha, 1947), p. 3.

(8) The text reminds us of Big Boy and his friends in “Big Boy Leaves Home," who suffered unexpected misery because a white young woman happened to appear in the spot where they were swimming. Furthermore shortly after this event in The Long Dream, we find the scene in which a friend of the hero’s who got in touch with a white woman was cruelly murdered by a white mob. Here the reader notices that this scene is a kind of prelude of the cruel murder, finding the anxiety has come true.

(9) INUI, p. 6.

(10) SAEKI Shoichi, Bungakuteki America (Literal America)(Tokyo : Chuokoronsha, 1967), p. 193.

(11) Cf. INUI, pp. 2-3 ; “A nasal [m] has some connection with a continuous lingering echo of the sound and a voiced plosive [b] gives a blunt noisy impression of the sound."

(12) Cf. INUI, p. 3 ; “A plosive [t] is appropriate to express the sudden, abrupt movement without a lingering echo."

(13) Wright, 12 Million Black Voices, pp. 106-107.

(14) Wright, “The Man Who Lived Underground," in Cross-Section, ed. Edwin Seaver (New York : L. B. Fisher, 1944), p. 60.

(15) Wright, 12 Million Black Voices, p. 108.

(16) Cf. Wright, Lawd Today (New York : Walker, 1963), p. 154.

(17) Wright, 12 Million Black Voices, pp. 109-111.

執筆年

1986年

収録・公開

Chuken Shoho, Vol. 19, No. 3: 293-306

ダウンロード

Symbolical and Metaphorical Expressions in the Opening Scene in Native Son(138KB)

1976~89年の執筆物

概要

1985年の「リチャード・ライトと『ブラック・パワー』」の英語訳です。

 

写真Memoirs of the Osaka Institute of Technology, Series B, Vol. 31, No. 1: 37-48

85年にライトのシンポジウムに参加して以来、英語を使う人との遣り取りも増えたうえ、伯谷さんからは87年の年末にサンフランシスコで開かれるMLA (Modern Language Association of America) に誘われていました。書いたものを読んでもらうのに英語訳の必要性を感じていたのだと思います。

伯谷さん写真

結果的には、この作品がアフリカへのきっかけになりました。当初、ライトについての発表でお誘いを受けたMLAでは、English Literature Other than British and American の部会で、アレックス・ラ・グーマについて発表することになりました。

 

MLA写真

最初の誘いの言葉は、玉田さん、サンフランシスコは日本から一番近いし、ご家族一緒に来られませんか、でした。そうですね、とは答えたものの、よく考えてみましたら、発表する相手はすべて英語を話す人たちで、それからえらいこっちゃ、となりました。

サンフランシスコへは家族で行きましたが、長男は5歳、乗ってみて初めてわかったのですが、飛行機に大層弱く、行き帰りハワイを経由しても、難行苦行の空の上でした。

真冬に大阪を発ち、翌朝のハワイは常夏、しばらく夏を過ごして着いたサンフランシスコは秋の気候、帰りもその逆を経験し、体がびっくりしたと思います。

 

ハワイ写真

 

サンフランシスコ写真

4歳上の長女はその時のことを覚えているようですが、長男は何も覚えていないそうです。

92年には、今度は4人で、ジンバブエのハラレに行きました。ソウル経由でロンドンへ、そこで10日間過ごしてハラレに、帰りはパリに1週間滞在してから直通で日本に帰って来ました。長い長い空の旅でした。

ハラレ写真

Black Power写真

本文

Abstract

 

ライト写真

This paper aims to give an evaluation of Richard Wright and Black Power and to include his sharp observations and useful commentaries about Africa which now even in this modern age are still relevant.

In 1953 he made a visit to the Gold Coast, then a British colony on its way as the first black African nation towards independence from Britain. At that time a “three-sided" struggle was being fought there, made up of reactionary intellectuals and chiefs, the British Government and the politically awakened masses. As Wright was anxious to present a truer picture of the coming independent nation “Ghana" and the people’s daily lives to the world, it was essential for him to grasp how the “three-sided" struggle was being fought. He succeeded in arranging the materials he had collected and inserted his commentaries in a letter to Nkrumah that appeared at the end of the book.

In this paper efforts are made to attempt an analysis of how Wright grasped the reality of the Gold Coast, focusing on the “three-sided" struggle.

1. For Africa

Richard Wright (1908-1960) left Liverpool for Africa on the morning of June 4th, 1953. His destination was the Gold Coast, then a British colony, which was to become an independent nation under the new name of Ghana on March 6th, 1957. His “long dream" of traveling to Africa was realized with the aid of George Padmore (1902-1959), a Jamaican Pan-Africanist, with whom he had been close friends since 1946. The three-month journey was to be his first and last travel in Africa. His book about this trip was published by Harper & Brothers under the title of Black Power on September 22nd, 1954.

In Europe the book was generally accepted equanimously in most countries and especially warmly in Germany, and translated into many languages. But in England and France, however, a few publishers rejected to accept his manuscript.1

In the United States the majority of reviewers were complimentary as was shown in the case of a review which stated, “As it is a first class job and gives the best picture I’ve seen of an extraordinary situation…,"2 but there were some critical and hostile attacks which hurt his feelings bitterly.

These reactions were closely related to the various countries’ policies or interests towards the colonies. It is not difficult to conclude that the rejection of its publication in England was inextricably bound to the situation of her economy, at that time highly dependent on her colonies.

Contrary to his agent’s and publisher’s enthusiasm for publication, the book did not sell well. Although from this point of view it might be concluded that the publication was not successful, it must be remembered that some vital points, summed up in his letter to Kwame Nkrumah, are discussed in Black Power. In the letter his penetrating observations and commentaries on the coming neo-colonialism by imperialist powers are revealed to us. Undoubtedly some grave and controversial problems are posed in Black Power. But in Japan however, very few fair estimations have been made on this work so far. This paper therefore, is aimed at giving a fair assessment of Richard Wright and Black Power, including his useful foresight and warnings about Africa, which still even in this modern age, have relevance.

2. Black Power

Andre Gide (1869-1951), a member of the Investigation Committee of Colonial Problems, once made a visit to the French Congo and after the journey published Voyage au Congo, 1927. His trip was at first motivated by his curiosity for natural science, but the sight of the miserable native Africans oppressed by colonial policies and corrupt public officials, traders, and missionaries urged him to say, “I have to make a public disclosure of the real conditions" and led him to write the book.

Wright’s visit to Africa, however, was motivated in a different way. From the start he wanted to stand on African soil and introduce the daily lives of people living on the Gold Coast to the world. The Gold Coast was at that time making its way towards independence from Britain, the first black African nation to do so.

On his first day in the Gold Coast, Wright saw black men operating cranes and other machines. He remembered Dr. Malan of South Africa “had sworn that black men were incapable of doing these things."3 Thus the negative views held by Westerners confronted him as soon as he landed on African soil. It is remarkable indeed that he was unaffected by these negative views and could strive to grasp the reality of Africa itself. During his stay he undertook ventures of great risk, although he felt discouraged when he found himself regarded by the Africans as a Westerner, rather than as a descendent of a common ancestor. By his positiveness he shows us his fixed determination to make this meaningful and his determined attitude to answer oppressors through his writings.

One reviewer says, “….Simply stated, more than 300 pages are devoted to a plain narrative of Wright’s several months’ wanderings through the Gold Coast. This is no academic treatise; no effort is made to give a logical pattern to the material presented. Rather these are just a multitude of impressions…,"4 but careful reading of the text shows this to be untrue. He was prudent enough to make preparations for the journey. He had read several books on the Gold Coast and Africa listed by Padmore. Furthermore Padmore had given him another list with the names of the proper people to talk to in the Gold Coast. Consequently he was able to meet many influential people. We discover that he possessed a definite aim from the beginning of his trip when we read The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah. In his book Nkrumah wrote about the birth of the Convention People’s Party. Since his returning to the Gold Coast in 1947, he had been making every effort for his native land as a secretary of the United Gold Coast Convention. He finally made up his mind to resign from the post when he was called by active supporters to lead the Convention People’s Party. The passage says:

Standing before my supporters I pledged myself, my very life blood, if need be, to the cause of Ghana.

This marked the final parting of the ways to right and left of Gold Coast nationalism; from the system of indirect rule promulgated by British imperialism to the new political awareness of the people. From now on the struggle was to be three-sided, made up by the reactionary intellectuals and chiefs, the British Government and the politically awakened masses with their slogan of “Self- Government Now."5 (Emphases mine.)

When Wright set foot on the Gold Coast in 1953, they had already started fighting this fierce “three-sided" struggle for independence. As he was anxious to present a truer picture of the coming independent nation “Ghana" and their daily lives to the world, especially to the Western world, it was indispensable for Wright to grasp how the “three-sided" struggle was being fought there. He certainly did not devote “more than 300 pages" to “a plain narrative of Wright’s several months’ wanderings through the Gold Coast." He made an effort “to give a logical pattern" by putting into collected form the notes he had acquired and declaring opinions in his letter to Nkrumah. In other words, he arranged the materials and made observations with the intention of condensing his commentaries in his letter to Nkrumah which was inserted at the end of the book. Now, let us read the text and see how Wright grasped the reality of the Gold Coast, focusing on the “three-sided" struggle.

The “British Government"

In the beginning of the letter, Wright wrote to Nkrumah, with an emphasis laid upon the psychological aspect, that confidence should be established at the center of the African personality although Westerners were intent on criticizing Africa in defense of their subjugation of Africa. And at the end of the letter he repeated that none but Africans could perform the “job" for Africa. First of all, he laid greater stress on mental “Africanization" than on anything else. It was mainly because he keenly felt distrust which was shown by every African, from the Prime Minister down to the humblest “mammy." Here is his sharp observation, an observation which can be made only by a man of great sensitivity. Putting great value on emotion and recalling Nkrumah’s having told him that missionaries had been his first political adversaries, Wright continues in the text as follows:

The gold can be replaced; the timber can grow again, but there is no power on earth that can rebuild the mental habits and restore that former vision that once gave significance to the lives of these people. Nothing can give back to them that pride in themselves, that capacity to make decisions, that organic view of existence that made them want to live on this earth and derive from that living a sweet even if sad meaning. Today the ruins of their former culture, no matter how cruel and barbarous it may seem to us, are reflected in timidity, hesitancy, and bewilderment. Eroded personalities loom here for those who have psychological eyes to see. (153)

He must have wanted to emphasize that the work of the missionaries was the greatest crime that had been committed against the African people, for they had “waded in and wrecked an entire philosophy of existence of a people without replacing it, without even knowing really what they had been doing." He laid an emphasis on the psychological problem of the African people because he actually felt its necessity when he saw with his own eyes the African reality – streets without sidewalks, a drainage ditch in which urine ran, most people spitting all the time, a girl squatting over a drainage and urinating, a crowd of men, women, and children bathing themselves around an outdoor hydrant, deformed beggars with monstrously swollen legs, running sores, limbs broken, blind men whose empty eye-sockets yawned wetly, children whose entire heads were gripped with sores, mails which were not delivered because of illiteracy, a soft mound of wet rust seen here and there, lagoons with awful stench and stagnant water, causing typhoid and yellow fever and malaria, the tsetse fly, tiny mud villages filled with leprosy, still-existing human sacrifices, African workers preferring their native witch doctors to modern medical treatment, dirt highways whose accident rate was appalling, stevedores toiling with low wages like machines in inhuman conditions, poor educational systems.Those miserable conditions remind us of the following passage of Nrumah’s Africa Must Unite, in which he depicted the misery of African village life in his youth:

In all the years that the British colonial office administered this country, hardly any serious rural water development was carried out. What this means is not easy to convey to readers who take for granted that they have only to turn on a tap to get an immediate supply of good drinking water. This, if it had occurred to our rural communities, would have been their idea of heaven. They would have been grateful for a single village well or standpipe.

As it was, after a hard day’s work in the hot and humid fields, men and women would return to their village and then have to tramp for as long as two hours with a pail or pot in which, at the end of their outward journey, they would be lucky to collect some brackish germ-filled water from what may perhaps have been little more than a swamp. Then there was the long journey back. Four hours a day for an inadequate supply of water for washing and drinking, water for the most part disease-ridden!

This picture was true for almost the whole country….6

He felt stunned by what he found, but formed a clear view of the situation, and never averted his eyes from the reality wrought by the British Government. He knew well enough that both distrust peculiar to Africans and their devastating reality were only the product of colonialism which enabled colonialists to defend their financial interests. He also noticed the limitations of colonial powers which had to make the best use of traditional rural communities to rule over Africans. In his letter to Nkrumah, Wright advised him to take advantage of these limitations and said:

…And, though the cultural traditions of the people have been shattered by European business and religious interests, they were so negatively shattered that the hunger to create a Weltanshauung is still there, virginal and unimpaired. (344)

Native Africans had established their rural communities of their own accord to survive in harsh living conditions. Therefore the communities had naturally possessed the possibilities of development before the Europeans arrived. The possibilities were prevented first by the slave trade and then by such colonial policies as land exploitation, compulsory labor, taxes and so forth. During his trip Wright had a chance to see the stevedores in Accra, the miners in Bibiani and the workers of timber plants in Samreboi. They were all seasonal laborers who were forced to leave their native villages by heavy taxes and severe compulsory labor. In spite of the very low wages and dangerous work, there were enough workers. In Accra harbor, in fact, a crowd of half-nude men huddled before a wooden stairway leading up to an office, looking for a job.

Because of the slave trade and the colonial policies, the rural communities were deprived of their supporters. This deprivation prevented the possibility of development of the communities and forced them to remain weaken and undeveloped. Even in such bad conditions the African people held out against imperialist exploitation and kept up their communities with stronger solidarity and unwearying labor. Wright must have felt their “hunger to create a Weltanschauung" while he was visiting the rural communities and communicating with native Africans.

The communities were forced to change so that the British Government could rule over them advantageously. The British then gradually created distrust in the hearts of the people and brought misery to their daily lives. There was “tribalism," the communities stripped of all their supporters. We must remember that both “tribe" and “tribalism" are words of Western origin, not African. It must be also remembered that the traditional communities were reduced to mere shells by an external factor – colonial policies, and that the historical development had nothing to do with it. This is the reason why Wright advised Nkrumah to overcome “the stagnancy of tribalism" time and again in his letter to him. He knew well that the communities did not properly fulfill their functions.

In the letter to Nkrumah, Wright also advised him not to rely on the help of Western powers. He foretold that the Westerners would “pounce at any time upon Africa," given the opportunity, just as they had done in the past. History tells us that his prophecy was true. Several times Nkrumah narrowly escaped being assassinated and his Government was, in fact, overthrown by a coup d’etat. Nkrumah must have grasped the situation more clearly than any one else. It is shown in the next symbolical passage in his autobiography, in which he wrote about the time of the birth of the new nation:

 

As a heritage, it was stark and daunting, and seemed to be summed up in the symbolic bareness which met me and my colleagues when we officially moved into Christianborg Castle, formerly the official residence of the British governor. Making our tour through room after room, we were struck by the general emptiness. Except for an occasional piece of furniture, there was absolutely nothing to indicate that only a few days before people had lived and worked there. Not a rag, not a book was to be found; not a piece of paper; not a single reminder that for very many years the colonial administration had had its center there.

That complete denudation seemed like a line drawn across our continuity. It was as though there had been a definite intention to cut off all links between the past and present which could help us in finding our bearings. It was a covert reminder that, having ourselves rejected that past, it was for us to make our future alone.7

The “reactionary intellectuals and chiefs"

The African continent was too large and wide to be occupied completely by Westerners, therefore colonial policies were necessary. The colonial policies deprived the communities of their supporters and gave no opportunities of education to native Africans. The Westerners made the best use of the traditional rural communities to make up for their lack of people, by making a puppet of the chiefs who were still powerful over their people.

In Accra, Wright went as far as renting a car and hiring an African chauffeur, and set out undauntedly on a tour to Kumasi. His first aim was to meet and communicate with chiefs. Fortunately he was able to encounter some of them. One of them was simple-minded enough to say with deep conviction that he had an army of bees in a boy to protect him. He was also ignorant enough to intone, “We are many, many, many, " when asked how many people were in his town. These were the chiefs who were once shameless enough to sell their people to the white men in return for a bottle of gin! In the letter Wright called them “those parasitic chiefs who have too long bled and misled a naive people."

Most of the chiefs, however, were sensible enough to adjust themselves to the new situation after the Party had clipped their political wings. They were willing to pay a visit to the headquarters of the Party, to seek help in their party work, and to offer themselves to be assigned to duties. At one time the Asantehene, the most powerful chief, was about to be taken advantage of by the British Government which feared that the Gold Coast might become stronger by the centralization of administrative power. However the Asantehene eventually gave way to Nkrumah, as did the rest of the chiefs.

The bitterest political opponents to Nkrumah were the Western-educated black intellectuals, the leaders of the United Gold Coast Convention, with whom he had struggled jointly for the independence. Wright met the two important leaders of the opposition, Drs. Busia and Danquah. They were actually against Nkrumah and criticized that Nkrumah stole power and “made a filthy deal with the British." With the slogan of “full Self-Government within the shortest possible time," they had raised the nostalgic but futile cry: 'Preserve our tradition!"' On the contrary Nkrumah wrote about the opponents as follows:

The opposition in Ghana cannot boast this same sense of responsibility and maturity. So far it has been mostly destructive. We have seen the historic reasons for this in the revolution of the United Gold Coast Convention leaders from the mass movement I had achieved as their secretary, and the subsequent formation of the Convention People’s Party to embrace that mass movement as the instrument for the achievement of freedom. The U. G. C. C. leaders never forgave me and my associates for proving the rightness of our policy of 'Self-Government Now’ in the results of the 1951 election. Thereafter their opposition amounted to a virtual denial of independence and a reluctance for the British to leave. They were prepared to sacrifice our national liberation if that would keep me and my colleagues out of government.8

During his stay in Africa, Wright heard a black young man complain that he could not ask the rich Africans for help because they were worse than the British. The interviews with some black intellectuals made him realize that they could not understand the real situation of the masses at all. So in his letter to Nkrumah he concluded that Nkrumah should not have the Western-educated Africans with him in his struggle for liberating the Gold Coast.

The “politically awakened masses"

The British brought about nothing but misery to their lives. The chiefs misled their people. Some of the black intellectuals were worse than the British. The masses trusted nothing and nobody. There burned in their hearts “a hunger to regain control over their lives and create a new sense of their destinies." (91) They could swear “oaths to invisible gods no longer and now at last, they were swearing an oath that related directly to their daily welfare." (60) Within a short period Nkrumah was able to hold such masses in the palm of his hand. On the situation Wright made the following remark:

…Nkrumah had moved in and filled the vacuum which the British and the missionaries had left when they had smashed the tribal culture of the people! It was so simple it was dazzling….Of course, before Nkrumah could do this, he would first have to have the intellectual daring to know that the British had created a vacuum in these people’s hearts. It was not until one could think of the imperialist actions of the British as being crimes of the highest order, that they had slain something that they could never rekindle, that one could project a new structure for the lives of these people. (60)

They hailed Nkrumah with hearty cheers on the roadsides and at the political mass meetings. Wright was thunderstruck when he saw the crowds shouting and calling: “Free―doom! Free―dooooom!" They were trade-unionists, students, “mammy" traders of the streets, and the nationalist elements who were completely ignored by the United Gold Coast Convention. The women were most enthusiastic of all, for they had put up with the coldest treatment under the colonial policies. In 1949, when Nkrumah was charged with contempt of court and fined three hundred pounds, the sum was quickly raised by the voluntary efforts of the street “mammy." Most of the masses were illiterate and did not clearly know where they were going with Nkrumah. Wright knew the situation well, so in the letter he wrote that Nkrumah should determine “the logic of his actions by the conditions of the lives of the people," and that the temporary discipline should place “the feet of the masses upon a basis of reality." And he finally drew a conclusion:

AFRICAN LIFE MUST BE MILITARIZED!

…not for war, but for peace; not for destruction, but for service; not for aggression, but for production; not for despotism, but to free minds from mumbo-jumbo. (346)

It must have been his friendliest advice to Nkrumah, for he keenly felt that the path to independence would be rough and rugged beyond imagination.

III. What Africa means in this modern age

The Western powers have done a lot of injustice to Africa and the situation is as bad as it was. Dr. Du Bois, one of the Pan-Africanists, once pointed out: “The problem of the Twentieth Century is the problem of the color-line."9 His prophecy turned out to be true. Now under the nuclear threat, the Third World has become a significant bridge between the existing two Worlds. Undoubtedly Africa holds the key to the present situation.

A lot of things can be learned if we look at the history of Africa. The Africans lived as human beings even under the severest exploitation of the slave trade and the colonial policies. They have kept their tradition, culture, education, and so on under the worst conditions in the world, never having received the benefit of modern civilization, science and technology. Now most of the independent nations in Africa are struggling against neo-colonialism. We can not avert our eyes from their sincere struggle.

Sembene Ousmane (1923- ), a Senegalese writer, came to Japan in 1984 and said, “We need no help. We’d like you to have a fair understanding of the situation" on the hunger aid campaign, then active in Japan.10 His sharp commentary urged us to reconsider what we should do.

On the African problem Wright also made the following commentary in the text:

One does not react to Africa as Africa is, and this is because so few can react to life as life is. One reacts to Africa as one is, as one lives; one’s reaction to Africa is a vast, dingy mirror and what modern man sees in that mirror he hates and wants to destroy. He thinks, when looking into that mirror, that he is looking at black people who are inferior, but, really he is looking at himself and, unless he possesses a superb knowledge of himself, his first impulse to vindicate himself is to smash this horrible image of himself which his own soul projects out upon this Africa….

Africa is dangerous, evoking in one a total attitude toward life, calling into question the basic assumptions of existence. Africa is the world of man; if you are wild, Africa’s wild; if you are empty, so’s Africa…. (158-159)

With the friendly help of Padmore, Wright was able to visit the Gold Coast, then making its way towards independence. Consequently, he succeeded in presenting the struggle for independence of the Gold Coast and the daily lives of the Africans to the world. He deserves praise for presenting a truer picture to the world earlier than any one else. In the letter to Nkrumah, Wright wrote to him on neo-colonialism:

…You might, by borrowing money from the West, industrialize your people in a cash-and-carry system, but, in doing so, you will be but lifting them from tribal to industrial slavery, for tied to Western money is Western control, Western ideas…. Kwame, there is nothing on earth more afraid than a million dollars; and, if a million dollars means fear, a billion dollars is the quintessence of panic…. (346)

In the letter Wright also said to him on corruption:

Regarding corruption; use fire and acid and cauterize the ranks of your party of all opportunists! Now! Corruption is the one single fact that strikes dismay in the hearts of the friends of African freedom…. (349-350)

If we take into account what Ghana has become, we discover that his warnings and advice are still vital indeed.

4. Richard Wright and Black Power

In Native Son (1940) Wright depicted the black-white problem vividly through the story of Bigger Thomas who was finally driven to murder a white girl and a black girl. In the story, Wright both directed active protests against the whites and extended passive warnings towards the blacks. At the same time he portrayed his dissatisfaction with the Communist Party which could see the racial situation in general, but could not see the individual in the mass. We notice that he already started to step beyond the racial problem. By the end of 1941 when he wrote the manuscript of “The Man Who Lived Underground," he was clearly determined to step beyond the straight black-white problem. In the revised version of “The Man Who Lived Underground" (1944), he was able to handle a wider and deeper theme from a new viewpoint.

He left the Communist Party in 1944, for he had begun to reconsider the relationship between the society and the individual. By reexamining the history of the oppressed blacks in the United States, he was able to write 12 Million Black Voices (1941). Recollecting his early days, he set out to write his autobiography. It appeared as articles in “I Tried to Be a Communist" (1944), “Early Days in Chicago" (1945) and “American Hunger" (1945), and as a book in Black Boy (1945). He confessed how difficult it had been to wrestle with himself:

…I found that to tell the truth is the hardest thing on earth, harder than fighting in a war, harder than taking part in a revolution. If you try it, you will find that at times sweat will break upon you. You will find that even if you succeed in discounting the attitudes of others to you and your life, you must wrestle with yourself most of all, fight with yourself; for there will surge up in you a strong desire to alter facts, to dress up your feelings. You’ll find that there are many things that you don’t want to admit about yourself and others. As your record shapes itself an awed wonder haunts you.11

In 1946 he visited Paris and enjoyed the mood of freedom after the Second World War. In 1947 he moved to Paris with his family to start a new life. He had left his private troubles behind in the United States. In Paris he was able to see America and racial problems objectively. The viewpoint of “The Man Who Lived Underground" deepened and widened in The Outsider (1953) and Savage Holiday (1954). In the former he severely criticized Western civilization from the ideological aspect and in the latter from the psychological. In The Outsider, Cross Damon, protagonist of the story, whispers before his death to Houston, the New York District Attorney:

'I wish I had some way to give the meaning of my life to others….To make a bridge from man to man…Starting from scratch every time is…is no good. Tell them not to come down this road….Men hates themselves and it makes them hate others….We must find some way of being good to ourselves….Man is all we’ve got….I wish I could ask men to meet themselves….We’re different from what we seem….Maybe worse, maybe better…But certainly different…We’re strangers to ourselves’.12

Wright’s way of life was symbolically shown by the confession. At that time he could not anchor any hope either in America or in European countries. He was anxiously awaiting another new hope to liberate the oppressed black people and himself. In that context, the following commentary is to the point:

Actually, what Mr. Wright says is a re-statement in terms of Gold Coast problems of the fundamental argument in The Outsider: that the confusion and terror which stalk the world are in very fact a mirror reflecting the basically bestial motive in Western culture.13

It can be said that the same problems are discussed both in The Outsider and Black Power, and that “finally, in a profound way, it is a book about Wright himself."14

At the end of his trip he wrote a letter to Paul Reynolds:

I was shocked at what I found here, and yet I’m told that the Gold Coast is by far the best part of Africa. If that is so, then, I don’t want to see the worst.15

In spite of this declaration, he planned to visit some French speaking West African nations. His sudden death prevented it. However, he made desperate attempts for he regarded Africa as the important bridge between two Worlds.

We can not form a true estimation of Richard Wright and his works unless we give a fair evaluation to Black Power.

Notes

1 Michel Fabre, The Unfinished Quest of Richard Wright, tra. Isabel Barzun (New York: William Morrow, 1973), p. xx.

2 Ed. John M. Reilly, Richard Wright; The Critical Reception (N.P.: Burt Franklin, 1978), p. 254.

3 Richard Wright, Black Power (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1954), p. 33; All subsequent page references to this work will appear in parentheses in this paper.

4 Reilly, p. 265.

5 Kwame Nkrumah, The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah (London: Cox & Wyman, 1957), p. 89.

6 Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite (London: Panaf, 1963), p. 34.

7 Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite, p. xiv.

8 Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite, p. 69.

9 W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folks (1903; rpt. New York: Kraus-Thomson Organization, 1973), p. 40.

10 He made this commentary at the meeting held by Black Studies Association in co-operation with Black Studies Association of Ritsumeikan University in Kyoto, on March 3rd, 1984.

11 Richard Wright, “Richard Wright Describes the Birth of Black Boy," New York Post, November 20, 1944, p. B6.

12 Richard Wright, The Outsider (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1953), p. 405.

13 Reilly, p. 268.

14 Edward Margolies, The Art of Richard Wright (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1969), p. 27.

15 Fabre, pp. 399-400.

元→「リチャード・ライトと『ブラック・パワー』」

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1986年

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Memoirs of the Osaka Institute of Technology, Series B, Vol. 31, No. 1: 37-48

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Richard Wright and Black Power(119KB)